22 CLASS AND REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA

n:i~mbership in the ~inship group. Land held under this right is

known as rist and the · ffofde:r' as ristegna. Rist is hereditary,

inalienable and- inviolable, therefore, it is highly valued. Rist

land is hardly ever alienated outside the kinship group through

sale or otherwise, and a ristegna does not forfeit his right even

through permanent absence from his native land. 1

The aristocracy and the ecclesiastical hierarchy comprised the

traditional ruling classes. They engaged in no productive activity,

and were maintained through the medium of theg~JLA device

similar to the medieval fief, the gult conveyed rights over land,

the cultivators who worked it and their produce. Gult rights were

acquired through a formal grant from the monarch, or from

provincial rulers who were empowered to make such grants.

Temporary gult rights were attached to state office, and served

to compensate officials who did not begin to receive salaries

until well into this century. Permanent gult was granted to

members of the aristocracy and higher clergy for their maintenance, to churches and monasteries for the living of their

members, and to retired officials as a reward for service.

Gult served as the medium of surplus appropriation. It operated in a variety of ways. Primarily, the gultegna, as the grantee

was called, was entitled to collect the Jribute __ o_w~d __ the._~tate

from the land within his gult. The tribute was paid by the ·

ristegna, and its disposition depended upon the nature of the

grant held by the gultegna. He might keep all or part of it for

himself. In the latter case, he passed the remainder to the

superior level. The gultegna was entitled to labour service from

the peasant, and being a rist holder himself, utilized it to cultivate his own fields. Furthermore, he was exempted from taxation on his own land. The gultegna, or his representative, perf orm~d administrative a~d judicial functions within the gult

area, 1n the course of which he collected fees and fines from the

peasantry. A lethora of other taxes were imposed on practically

everything that ived or gre'w'onffie l'afid'; ·and on many forms of

activity engaged in by the peasants. In this manner, the surplus

~ ..,-S¥s.tematicall~£ d,raine...d !.9.~.-~.t~~<>Ollcers·-·=w ho -· ·were

1.

- ;. -,.-....._-.. _

The intricacy of this system is skilfully unravelled by Allan Hoben in L d

Tenure Among the Amhara of Ethiopia, (Chicago: University of Chicago Pr:~s

1973). •

THE FEUDAL FOUNDATION 23

reduced to living on the borderline of ~.ubsistence and under

ffie---fffenace of periodic famine.

While the traditional mode of production in northern Ethiopia

is of ancient vintage and the result of gradual evolution, that of

the southern region came into being during the last quarter of

the nineteen"fh ·century -as the ·r~sult 6f conquest and spoliation.

Before the conquest, the host of nationalities found in this

region --e-xhil:>ited a ~_i~_e ___ ~~ri~fy~·_9I"socio_~con9mi£. f0_1:J1ations,

though rione had d~vel_oped a class s.tructure similar to-that' of

the northern highlanders. Nor was land anywhere in the south

the instrument of social control that it had become in the north.

lmlJlediately_after the_ conquest, the northern rulers divided

th~.M.tli~rn landsjn to . t]lr~~,,J J:i~oretlcally -eq ~if parts-acc-orcf~

ing to -~-- traditional principle .known. as sisso, meaning orie-third:

They confiscated two-thirds outright, leav1ng the last third to

tne· indigenous··-population. The confiscated p·art was-· cfa1med·

by the stale, but mosf of it was quickly disposed in a wholesale

manner to various groups of. claimants from the north. The

warrior aristocracy who led the "viciorio"t:is' a'rmies was re·warded

w1 massive grants of land far exceeding the holdings of this

class ·1:n-un.~-nortn.' . The warlords who governed the occupied

regions subdivided the land among their officers, soldiers and

retainers according to rank. The shares were substantial, the

smallest being no less than 40 hectares. Tu~J qrge. Jandowners

and gultegnas ~~u. t.b.~t.a.Q.mj_pJ~J!~!!OA}?X.Qi_~}E. ~_states t? agents,

a species which proliferated prodigiously in this region. Others·

subdivided their holdings among relatives, subordinates and

d~e-n ents, 1n a process ak:in-to·-subiiifeudaflon:"·1:fi"ough ·-not

-ii"eariyas''·'rigidly defined in terms of reciprocal rights and obligations. Vast estates were set aside for the imperial palace and

members···olthe- royaf~tamHy~ The· ~l)unih __ ·aainiecr~its share·

accOfdittg~·roTraditionafp'i-actice, and its hierarchy was rewarded

in the same manner as the aristocracy. Churches soon appeared

in the heretofore Muslim and pagan region, and they received

land for the maintenance of the clergy. Subsequently, all

officials and agents of the state who served in the south were

given land. A st~eam~ f ~~~~f~.~J?:,,!PA . .P9.rt4Jqllqw~g_in _the

wake of the armies to qpt~in_lan.cl,._ s1mply on condition of pay- ~~1.,: -•~.;;.,~~..Ju.i..~---~~~.1~.:.,J.:.""1,, ... ,_ .• . ,, , (ing'the normal tax on it.

24

CLASS AND REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA

~11~!i~UY. rno_sj.J)f_Jhe, grants .were 9onc;litional and obliged the

~antee to perform some service for the state. Later, the institutionalisatipn of the_state .. ,app~n1Ju.~ obviated the need for such

service~, thus most granJs .. :q~c.,;un.e . unencumbered freehold,

though in some cases a portion of the land reverted to the state.

\ The un~~~tribut~.4 part of the _ confiscate~ two-thirds remaiqed

stat~ ··1a11.d, ~an~f gr'in ts~o'iitin iied.-,io):ie·_~macie. on.it until the final

·\ days of th~~--~~gtcii~'. · tlie"'"ii~-~-~~ri;cated one:·thi;d . was divide-ct

between the indigenous people and their traditional leaders. In

most cases, the local hierarchy was decapitated by the new

rulers through the elimination of the highest stratum. However,

l~-~-~.L.c..!J.iej}; were retained to be used effectively in a system of

mb · dlirect rule. To .. )i!JJ •. Jh~ir. .. ,~S?Jl~J~.Qt:~.ti<:)l:i, the local chiefs, or

a abbats, as they came to be known, were given their choice of

the remaining one-third, and were either·-exempted'"°from"' taxation on it or paid a reduced amount. Furthermore, they were

given ult rights over much of the rest, thus becoming gultegnas ~ --....... ~-.,o, -~ .... -,

over their own people.

T~~ ll}_~j_o_rity of the southern population found themselves

orf Iaria··co'iifiscated by the state and distributed to northerners.

Ipso facto, they lost whatever rights they may have had on the

land and became tenants of the new landlords, although the ~'~~ ... ~ ..,.,..~mr ..,-,P?t--,,.,., .. -;-,,~~ .

true meaning of this facf oid not become immediately apparent.

The peasant could be expelled from the land; however, this

seldom happened, since the new landholders rarely undertook

to cultivate the land themselves, and the value of a grant was

measured in terms of the number of families settled on it. Consequently, e:(.~jgn.n~ -~~ rare, and no large scale population

displacement accompahied'·'the mass confiscation of land. The

immediate effect on the southern peasant was felt in the realm

-of.tril:>M.t~~..,H~-~ ~~ required to pay tribute to the landlord ranging

from one~th.ir.d.1QQ.Il~ill.,Qf_(~e_P!Qr~tg~e. He was also obliged to

pay the land tax amounting to ... 2!1,~:t~!!J.!11 which the landlord

retained partially -or:t\iUy';Jaccording to the nature of his grant.

Extensive labour service was demanded, far in excess of what

was the custom in the north, as well as numerous other impositions unknown there. La119Jq_rg~~ ..... whether holding official

positions or not, e.,.~~g_t~~-Q_Jl5i_Il,lipjs.~r.~!ive, P.illiG~ and ju_~r~Lal

functions within their estates, and used these powers to squeeze

THE FEUDAL FOUN DATION 25

the last drop of surplus from the hapless workers of the soil.

'Feudal' is a term often applied impressionistically to Ethiopia

in the past, which has gained wide political currency recently.

The application of it as a conceptual category in the study of

traditional social systems in Africa is fraught with unresolved

difficulties, not a few of which stem from the parochial derivation of the concept itself. Our use of it here requires a brief

explanation intended to minimize the risk of distorting the real

differences between the social systems in the two major regions

of Ethiopia. Focusing on the nexus which defines the relations

of production, that is, the form in which unpaid surplus labour

is extracted from the producers, we find that tribute in kind and

labour service were imposed in varied portions in both regions.

In the case of _fue south, the imposition was greater in both

forms, because not only a good d-eal moreiibourw"asctemanded,

but the tribute imposed was considerably augmented to include

what was essentially a payment of ground ... r.ent. The essence of

J.bi~--12~Ylll~J!.L.W!l.S n9t . clearly perceive_d . at the _time~ since the

peasant was left in control of his land, and the· landlord remained beholden to the state in various ways by the conditions

of his grant. C.onse.qu~ntly, Jb& Jsgie of possession rerpained

11-~Z~.Qr-Se.Y.vl~L...9~.c.ad.~ When the ~haze-·was' swe.pt. ~~i~le--·byeconomic and political currents in the perjod _JQilg_wing the

Secon.cLWorld-War,.J t revealed .the._$._fu,rkfact of irrepar'able loss

Qf possessiol!_ and the reduction of the · soii'tllern peasantry to

tenancy. This added an element of <I.!!,~litative difference)n the

situation of the southe..w producer, ~mparea with his

counterpart in the n.911.h, Particularly so, because by contrast,

the possession rights of the latter were clarified and reinforced

during the same period. In brief then, the system imposed in

the s..Q)Jlb represents an ,,~4ims.~.-- ~:Y~! .. ~tJ:M~",fQi;w. .. ,_~f.-~~udalism

practised in the north. Taking advantage of its victorv,-·me

ruling _sg_~_g!.~.~!!Y .. J~J..1l~,rg.ed. ... tl1-~ .12.r.ivj_~_~_g~s. __ q_(~~!!~ while practically eliminating all the safeguards associated with rist.

Differences· in the social and political structures of the two

regions reflect the above mentioned differences in the relations

of production. In the north, the coercive force that maintained

these relations was greatly reinforced, and also disguised, by

,·· \,. '-· ~.) \"' ' I l

·'\. \ l ·\ 'f' /

26 CLASS AND REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA

longstanding tradition with a strongly religious foundation and

a body of customary law. Gult and rist were interlinked parts

of a homogeneous socio-economic system. Every gultegna was

himself also a ristegna, that is, a member of an extended kinship system. Therefore, strong vertical ties spanned the class

divide. The divide 1

itself was not a chasm. The aristocracy was

1!1Ultigraded, and its lowest ranks were barely dis.cernible aEo've -

the peasant- masses among whom they lived. There were _QQ_

~~ark~9_ -~\llJ}:!I~!. q.iffe:r,eµ~es between t~e class~~'--.r.ior '!DY. rJg!q_ social barriers. The aristocracy relied on ostentation, rather

'than ·cuitfva'don ~{-refinement~ to maintain so"cial distance. And

although th~_ ~igher clergy enjoyed. exalted_. st~Ju_s and a monopoly of traditional erudition, the mass of cgwmon clergy were

barely .I.iterate. Nor were they particularly privileged in economic

terms. Assigned small plots in lieu of payment for their services,

they either worked the land themselves, or received a share of

its produce.

The northern peasant was not insensitive to class distinctions,

nor insensible of the fact that he bore the weight of the ruling

classes on his back. Numerous proverbs attest to the realization

that 'gult is for the great warrior, rist is for the weak', and 'the

rich man has his gult, the poor man his rist'. The peasantry

clung tenaciously to the security offered by rist, and reacted

violently to any perceived threat against it. M~J_ters r_elated to

land_<!P4.J ril:>~t.e ... w~r.e q~µ!1-llY_.conne_ct~d. with_ peasant uprisings

whi~h hav:e. q<;~Uq-_e_p._J;egularly_JJntQ_~~~°-~ · ·ciass antagonismwas·

certainly a basic element in such incidents. Yet it never emerged

as a dominant force, but in, practically all known instances it

was submerged by a strong sense of provincialism and diverted

into a defence of the local status quo, including the structure of

class privilege. In the feudal situation, provincialism manifested

itself as the countervailing power to the overlordship of the

imperial throne. Provincial autonomy served the aristocracy as

a bulwark against the centralizing tendency and absolutist

claims of the Emperor. Appointments, grants, the division of

the surplus and other perquisites were the usual causes for the

perennial test of strength between the monarchy and the

provincial lords. Provincial autonomy made sense for the

peasant as well, for only outsiders could threaten his rist. Yet,

THE FEUDAL FOUNDATION 27

in defending rist the peasant also defended gull, therefore such

uprisings normally became a mindless struggle on behalf of class

privilege. The peasants considered it a victory for themselves

when the interests of the local aristocracy prevailed. Furthermore, provincialism ruled out peasant class solidarity across

provincial lines. Thus no uprising ever transcended its parochial

origins, and most of them collapsed once the conflict within the

ruling class had been resolved.

The social structure and political situation in the~Q_uthem

region were significantly different. ~Jl eliance on nalf~4. _ppyZfr

was a factor that could neither be COJl.G~afea··nor-dispensed

-1Vith here. The ruHng-'cfass .. d1d . not bother to fa.sfiion an .. ideo- ...

logical defence of its position, if such were possible. A veritable

gulf separated _th~. Ja,ng9wners, functionaries and clergy from

.the .. p~easantry·, with whom they differed in nationality, language

and religion. Generally, the landowners . congregated in the

p~wly esta~gsh~cC t()\1/11-S .. that served as garris.oris and adminis- ·

tratrvec'.enires, and ·had little social intercourse with their

tenants whom they regarded as their subjects. The ranks of the

aristocracy expanded commensurably with the expansion of the

Ethiopian state. The conquest of vast areas created a plethora

of official posts and provided the means for their support.

Grants and titles proliferated, as a layer of privilege covered

the entire area. However, the expansion produced a new contradiction within the ruling class. A good many of it~-m.~bers in

the south were n uveau riche products~of . .th,e conquest wifliout

t_r_agj t!9!Fl! .. status. in Jff e.1J:JI§f.fffe.rn)i~ivelan d~~-.Tfiey"'o we·d~ their

status to the monarchy which accomp'lislie'a the conquest and

rewarded its followers with titles and grants in the conquered

region. More significantly, the=-pre e1Ya!j911 __ Qf_.the_ir_-statu~.- ilJ

t~ ~~t~~tL.fil!.JiJie_u.~,and.Jl.os~til.~ ,p.g,pulaJio.n_it~pevfiJ~d _ heavily

,Qn,_J!i~-.aJ;1UUY .... Qf.r..th~.--G.gn.tral...gov:emment to maintain effective~·-~

control in the region. Consequently, the ruling class in southern

Ethiopia proved amenable., JiiJhe .. p,rucess ... of.. c.entrc!l!.~~2!1 that

followed the expansion, whU~.J.!t ~~.1:!.!J!~.!l?.AtlJI1 .. !h.~-~-2t!~ .. ~~.n.: ..... tiIJJ.t~~~LJ Q_,.P.b§!I.Y£.t!hi§.,Pf-9.9ess availing itself of the peasantry's

attachment to provincialism.

The initial reaction of the southern peoples to the invasion

from the north varied according to the attitude adopted by

28 CLASS AND REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA

their traditional leaders. Some fought tenaciously and suffered

not only defeat, but harsh reprisals as well. Others were overwhelmed by superior force and submitted without resistance to

the expropriation of their land. In a few cases, the local leadership allied itself with the invaders, and avoided expropriation

in return for an annual tribute. Subsequently, the collaboration

of the southern balabbats with Ethiopian rule undermined the

capacity of the peasantry to resist the ensuing oppression and

exploitation. Social conditions favoured the rise of class antagonism, yet, while it undoubtedly developed, this force

remained largely dormant for several decades. Antagonism was

more likely to be conceived in terms of national divisions. In

this sense, a rich store of hatred accumulated against the northern ruling class. By the same token, national distinctions

among the southern groups themselves precluded any kind of

solidarity against the common oppressor. Nevertheless, the

conjunction of class and national divisions in an iniquitous and

oppressive social pattern created the potential for a truly revolutionary situation in southern Ethiopia. This potential was to

mature in the period following the Second World War, when the

appearance of capitalism quickly polarized the society in this

region and dissolved the traditional disguises, thereby revealing

the objective situation of the tenant.

The least tractable subjects of Ethiopian feudal rule were the

pasrorar:.:gto"ii"ptwnicn';, .. 1nlia6rr·"fhe~1o·wraii'd"··~i,.erf pne'& 'ot·•'-t11e· • ·• - .•• ,. ..,.,,,., --~, ., .... ... .-;,~_'Ji

plateau in the north, east and south. Little attention has been

paid to the modes of production among pastoralists who practice transhumance, and to the ways they articulate with other

modes, particularly those of their sedentary agriculturalist

neighbours. There is no shortage of evidence that the relationship is J t~Yihl ... ~'J!h,,_S2J1J1tst,. cause.dJ?~g_:tJlyJ2y_the..agric_qJ.t~~-~~ s

desire _ fq_c _ip:!~:m. .~ix~.,~c .. µlt.iv..a,tion,_ofJan.d .µ~~-µ in ex.:t~usi:Y.~-- fa.shion by .. th~,~ pa_s(or,!:l-Jts_t.: ;,;Land availability in general, and the quality ~i"'.-~"- • ._,:.,<;,,-r · • .,1, ?•_•-, , ........ l,-.:...l~./, ... .~ ,a.

of~ pastoral land in particular, are two mediating factors. In

Ethiopia, initially both factors seemed to favour the pastoralists.

The northern highlanders' intense dislike of the hot and humid

lowland climate kept them out of these areas. Moreover, without irrigation, the land was not considered worth the effort of

cultivation. The state laid a vague claim on all the land, on the

THE FEUDAL FOUNDATION 29

ground that it was unoccupied and untaxed. Since no attempt

was made to press this claim, the people were in no way inconvenienced. A livestock tax, and the appearance of frontier

boundaries cutting across territories they traversed seasonally,

were easily evaded impositions, but not without occasional

clashes with the authorities. The situation changed for the

worse after the Second World War. -Now, the state\ .efforts to·

collect taxes ·and to control frontier cro,ssing were intensified

iJ?. line with the ongoing process of centralization.' More importantly, emerging capitalism introduced the pog;ib_ility of irri:,

gatioo..and enhanced the value of pastoral land. The search--for

mineral wealth in the lowlands had a similar effect. Inevitably,

pressure from the centre produced centrifugal force·s ·ac·tlie

·p-eriphery ;· which merged with and greatly reinforced powerfui · ·

sepa~atist movements among the Somali in the southeast and

. _Er_itreans in the north.

l.1 _r .. l•· r ---.... L ("I j s··l t : ;;i.\_ <

30

Chapter 2

Imperialism and Transformation

The great expansion that doubled the size of the Et~iopian

state. towards the end of the last century set in motion torces

which began, almost immediately, to erode the feudal foundation described above. 2 The fir t of these, an endogenous

force born of the strain caused by the expansion, propelled the

_drive for centralfzation of state power, and elevated the throne

from lts traditional position of limited suzerainty to the pinnacl~

ofm -onarchfcarabsolutism. The n was the exogenous force

of western ca ital"sm which entered the stage later under the

aegi~ ··or imP..erialis The promotion of great power interests in

Ethiopia, in the period following the expulsion of the Italians

in 1941, did not require crude methods of intervention. On the

contrary, imperialist attention was eagerly solicited, and its,

interests readily accpmmodated by the dominant faction of the :,>IC.._., ~...,,.,,. .... - -

·1ulin ~

class, a group which drew from this alliance the material _,..___,__..,..___ . . . . .

~l}g__ _,P.Q.1.!!~~aL__s_l!PP_q_rt it :qe.eded. to advance its goal of cenralization and modernization of the state's administrative and

r .ressive apparatus. TJms._not-.f--0-r h- firs.t-.. time. in_ history_~

mciPient__capi.talism .is_ sheltere,d b -·~-J~O "ticaLregime __ w]}o_se

~nd~.P.!nl!.i.~g_ is. 19 b~ f_ound lnin olde_r__m_q_d~..Q.f. production~

"Similarly familiar is the story of the regime that comes· to

grief as a result. Ethiopia is no exception. However, the social

chemistry that produced the final upheaval in this society

does not follow the classic formula, therefore, it requires its

own analysis.

2. For a comprehensive study of the socio-political structure of the ancien

repme see John Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity,

(Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1974).

IMPERIALISM AND TRANSFORMATION 31

The expansion caused a split in the political posture of the

traditional ruling class. The maintenance of the social order

imposed by force in the conquered areas required the presence

of organized coercive force on a permanent basis. The transplanted ruling class of northerners in the south could neither

reproduce the northern system of feudal rule in the midst of

an alien, hostile peasantry, nor could it devise a different

system out of its own resources. Consequently, it was forced

to look to the centre of the feudal state, i.e. the throne. Resurrected in the middle of the nineteenth century after more than

a century of total eclipse, during which time provincial dynasties reigned supreme, the throne had gained pre-eminence, as

well as new sources of wealth and power, through the conquest

of the south. Yet, it still relied on the aristocracy to perform

the basic functions of government, including that of raising and

leading armed forces. The institutionalization of governmental

functions under centralized control was therefore essential.

Inevitably, this process undermined the position of the northern

aristocracy without offering it any obvious recompense. Naturally, therefore, it was strenuously opposed by this class and wa~

eventually stalled far from the point of completion. Not before,

however, the posi~ion of the aristocracy on the national level

had been diminished seriously as a result.

For the_ ruling class in the south, the expansion of c~nti:al

_goye_rJ).mint~~confrol .in . their region offered the IIlOSt effective

~ nd,.J ~,ast,_ _exp_ensi~e __ assµr~ti:ce for their massive landholdings:

~, rather than state office, was the base upon which

t~~P.~~~ _o(_ th_!§=fl~§.s_rest~d. 3 This base became increasingly

secure and independent of the throne, as the various conditions 1 0 ••~, ,,,:o•,,••••k••,•~ "'\.-.. _, , ... ,, ............. ~•·-~,. '+,~,.)("'l,o~.,...-.~o:-,¥~ ..... ,) ... .. ~

of service to the state initially attached to the land grants fell·

into disuse and oblivion. These conditions were obviated by the

growth of state institutions. Consequently, this group had little

to fear from the growth of centralized power, and much to gain

from the development of the apparatus under the control of the

centre. Gradually, the ruling class in the southern region took

on the social character of a landowning group primarily con3. ~evertheless, office-holding remained the most effective means for accumulating landed possessions.

32 CLASS AND REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA

cerned with. maintaining control over its mul!,i_!~~~-5>_f _,te~~-~ts;

rather than competition . (o_r . office and gult, the perenn~al

concerns of the northern aristocracy, and the bones of contention tretwe-en .. tiiis~grou·p' -~~-d-'ih~ throne. The ascendance of the

centre under the aegis of the imperial throne was not inimical to

the interests of the former group, while it certainly appeared to

threaten those of the latter.

Undoubtedly significant also is the fact that the .. throne itse~f

fell into the hands of a man whose background and persotratity

v/e're emin.'ently suited to the task. ·Haile -S'e"lissie .himself ·was

the scion of~ family .wlii~h haifmade its fortune in the conquest

of the .south. Moreover, l1ke .the majority oflhe'beheficfiinesof

that victory .. - which had been ~C.ti~~y~g_µ_nc;l~x .th~.J~.a.:~L~I~P.l;P-.~..!

~nelil<, the hereditary ruler of Shoa province - Haile Selassie

w~s a member of the Shoa aristocracy. Hence, .. 1].i~ _@(l1l,~_11g~ of

~tii,~"~:oi}h~i~--~!i~{o.ci:4~Y· wa~ r~garded b·enevolen~ly by th~. powe.s-

.ful.SllQa.,groµ1t~! ,~P-~ c;~rt~e, as well as by the many members of

the ruling class in the south who were natives of Shoa province.

Paradoxically, provincialism in this instance exe_rted a centripetal

force by supporting the aggrandizement of the throne. The

ruler's personality also bore the imprint of a savage struggle for

succession waged among provincial contenders, which broke out

after Menelik's death in 1913 and lasted nearly two decades,

ending with Haile Selassie's accession to the throne. Henceforth,

he nourished the deepest distrust for his northern vassals, and

they reciprocated by hatching innumerable plots and instigating

a series of uprisings against him, none of which came even

remotely near to its goal.

The drive to supplant the aristocracy, through the establishment of a centrally controlled administrative system and a

standing army, progressed haltingly after Haile Selassie's coronation in 1930. The brief but violent italian occupation in

1936-41 proved a severe setback, and a new start had to be

made after liberation. The resources of the regime were obviously

inadequate for the task. The parasitic nature of landlordism in

the south blocked access to the taxable surplus of that region.

Goaded by the aristocracy, the impoverished northern provinces

on the other hand threatened rebellion at the mention of new

taxes. In fact, they were taxed at half the pte-war rate until

IMPERIALISM AND TRANSFORMATION 33

I 944, and at the full pre-war rate until 1951.4 Ethiopia's modest

foreign trade was disrupted by the world war, leaving the state

without any source of hard currency. It was at this critical time

that imperialist interest towards this ancient country became

manifest and elicited a positive response.

During the period of African colonialism, Ethiopia figured

only peripherally in the calculations of the major imperialist

powers holding possessions in the surrounding region, and this

interest was solely due to the country's strategic location on the

Red Sea littoral. Italy's belated attempt to participate in the

scramble was forcefully repulsed by the Ethiopians in 189 5,

and this served to temper the aggressiveness of others. However,

the Italians retained the colony of Eritrea in the north, and later

invaded and occupied Ethiopia briefly in a prelude to the Second

World War. Devoid of obvious sources of wealth, too distant

to serve as a labour reservoir, and lacking a market for imports,

Ethiopia attracted little other attention and even less foreign

capital during this period. The only notable intrusion from

abroad was by small groups of Arabs, Indians, Greeks and

Armenians who set themselves up as traders, artisans and

shopkeepers. With the emergence of the Middle East as an area

of paramount concern to the great powers after the end of the

Second World War, Ethiopia's strategic importance was greatly

enhanced. More so, for it was soon to possess two major ports

on the Red Sea. England, who traditionally regarded Ethiopia

as falling within its sphere of influence and had helped restore

Haile Selassie to his throne in 1941 , also reorganized and

equipped the army and police forces and helped reform the

shattered administrative structure in the 1940s. 5 At the end of

the decade, England relinquished its role to the United States.

In order to ingratiate itself with its new patron, the Ethiopian

regime joined the anti-communist crusade by despatching an

army batallion to Korea in 1950. The following year, the

United States took the fledgling Ethiopian army under its wing,

and fostered its expansion until it became the largest military

4. Even so, provincial uprisings were not avoided. Major ones occurred during the

1940s in Gojjam and Tigre provinces.

5. The British Air Force also helped quell a major uprising in Tigre province in

1943.