Search This Blog

Translate

خلفيات وصور / wallpapers and pictures images / fond d'écran photos galerie / fondos de pantalla en i

Buscar este blog

PopAds.net - The Best Popunder Adnetwork

11/1/25

 


Ethical Issues in Clinical Medicine

67CHAPTER 11

■ IMPLICATIONS FOR CLINICAL PRACTICE

Individual health care providers can do several things in the clinical

encounter to address racial and ethnic disparities in health care.

Be Aware That Disparities Exist Increasing awareness of racial

and ethnic disparities among health care professionals is an important

first step in addressing disparities in health care. Only with greater

awareness can care providers be attuned to their behavior in clinical

practice and thus monitor that behavior and ensure that all patients

receive the highest quality of care, regardless of race, ethnicity, or

culture.

Practice Culturally Competent Care Previous efforts have

been made to teach clinicians about the attitudes, values, beliefs, and

behaviors of certain cultural groups—the key practice “dos and don’ts”

in caring for “the Hispanic patient” or the “Asian patient,” for example.

In certain situations, learning about a particular local community or

cultural group, with a goal of following the principles of communityoriented primary care, can be helpful; when broadly and uncritically

applied, however, this approach can actually lead to stereotyping and

oversimplification of culture, without respect for its complexity.

Cultural competence has thus evolved from merely learning information and making assumptions about patients on the basis of their

backgrounds to focusing on the development of skills that follow the

principles of patient-centered care. Patient-centeredness encompasses

the qualities of compassion, empathy, and responsiveness to the needs,

values, and expressed preferences of the individual patient. Cultural

competence aims to take things a step further by expanding the repertoire of knowledge and skills classically defined as “patient-centered”

to include those that are especially useful in cross-cultural interactions

(and that, in fact, are vital in all clinical encounters). This repertoire

includes effectively using interpreter services, eliciting the patient’s

understanding of his or her condition, assessing decision-making

preferences and the role of family, determining the patient’s views

about biomedicine versus complementary and alternative medicine,

recognizing sexual and gender issues, and building trust. For example,

while it is important to understand all patients’ beliefs about health, it

may be particularly crucial to understand the health beliefs of patients

who come from a different culture or have a different health care experience. With the individual patient as teacher, the physician can adjust

his or her practice style to meet the patient’s specific needs.

Avoid Stereotyping Several strategies can allow health care providers to counteract, both systemically and individually, the normal

tendency to stereotype. For example, when racially/ethnically/culturally/

socially diverse teams in which each member is given equal power

are assembled and are tasked to achieve a common goal, a sense of

camaraderie develops and prevents the development of stereotypes

based on race/ethnicity, gender, culture, or class. Thus, health care

providers should aim to gain experiences working with and learning

from a diverse set of colleagues. In addition, simply being aware of the

operation of social cognitive factors allows providers to actively check

up on or monitor their behavior. Physicians can constantly reevaluate

to ensure that they are offering the same things, in the same ways, to

all patients. Understanding one’s own susceptibility to stereotyping—

and how disparities may result—is essential in providing equitable,

high-quality care to all patients.

Work to Build Trust Patients’ mistrust of the health care system

and of health care providers impacts multiple facets of the medical

encounter, with effects ranging from decreased patient satisfaction to

delayed care. Although the historic legacy of discrimination can never

be erased, several steps can be taken to build trust with patients and to

address disparities. First, providers must be aware that mistrust exists

and is more prevalent among minority populations, given the history

of discrimination in the United States and other countries. Second,

providers must reassure patients that they come first, that everything

possible will be done to ensure that they always get the best care

available, and that their caregivers will serve as their advocates. Third,

interpersonal skills and communication techniques that demonstrate

honesty, openness, compassion, and respect on the part of the health

care provider are essential tools in dismantling mistrust. Finally,

patients indicate that trust is built when there is shared, participatory

decision-making and the provider makes a concerted effort to understand the patient’s background. When the doctor–patient relationship

is reframed as one of solidarity, the patient’s sense of vulnerability

can be transformed into one of trust. The successful elimination of

disparities requires trust-building interventions and strengthening of

this relationship.

■ CONCLUSION

The issue of racial and ethnic disparities in health care has gained

national prominence, both with the release of the IOM report Unequal

Treatment and with more recent articles that have confirmed their

persistence and explored their root causes. Furthermore, another

influential IOM report, Crossing the Quality Chasm, has highlighted

the importance of equity—i.e., no variations in quality of care due to

personal characteristics, including race and ethnicity—as a central

principle of quality. Current efforts in health care reform and transformation, including a greater focus on value (high-quality care and

cost-control), will sharpen the nation’s focus on the care of populations

who experience low-quality, costly care. Addressing disparities will

become a major focus, and there will be many obvious opportunities

for interventions to eliminate them. Greater attention to addressing the

root causes of disparities will improve the care provided to all patients,

not just those who belong to racial and ethnic minorities.

■ FURTHER READING

Buchmueller TC et al: The ACA’s impact on racial and ethnic disparities in health insurance coverage and access to care. Health Aff

(Millwood) 39:395, 2020.

Carnethon MR et al: Cardiovascular health in African Americans: A

scientific statement from the American Heart Association. Circulation 136:e393, 2017.

Dwyer-lindgren L et al: Inequalities in life expectancy among us

counties, 1980 to 2014: Temporal trends and key drivers. JAMA

Intern Med 177:1003, 2017.

Kreuter MW et al: Addressing social needs in health care settings:

Evidence, challenges and opportunities for public health. Annu Rev

Public Health 42:11, 2021.

Krieger N: Measures of racism, sexism, heterosexism, and gender

binarism for health equity research: from structural injustice to

embodied harm: An ecosocial analysis. Annu Rev Public Health

41:37, 2020.

Medscape: Medscape Lifestyle Report 2016: Bias and burnout. http://

www.medscape.com/features/slideshow/lifestyle/2016/public/overview.

Vyas DA et al: Hidden in plain sight: Reconsidering the use of race

correction in clinical algorithms. N Engl J Med 383:874, 2020.

Williams DR et al: Racism and health: Evidence and needed research.

Annu Rev Public Health 40:105, 2019.

Physicians face novel ethical dilemmas that can be perplexing and

emotionally draining. For example, telemedicine, artificial intelligence,

handheld personal devices, and learning health care systems all hold

the promise of more coordinated and comprehensive care, but also

raise concerns about confidentiality, the doctor–patient relationship,

and responsibility. This chapter presents approaches and principles

that physicians can use to address important vexing ethical issues they

11 Ethical Issues in Clinical

Medicine

Christine Grady, Bernard Lo


68PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

encounter in their work. Physicians make ethical judgments about

clinical situations every day. They should prepare for lifelong learning

about ethical issues so they can respond appropriately. Traditional

professional codes and ethical principles provide instructive guidance

for physicians but need to be interpreted and applied to each situation.

When facing or struggling with a challenging ethical issue, physicians

may need to reevaluate their basic convictions, tolerate uncertainty,

and maintain their integrity while respecting the opinions of others.

Physicians should articulate their concerns and reasoning, discuss and

listen to the views of others involved in the case, and utilize available

resources, including other health care team members, palliative care,

social work, and spiritual care. Moreover, ethics consultation services

or a hospital ethics committee can help to clarify issues and identify

strategies for resolution, including improving communication and

dealing with strong or conflicting emotions. Through these efforts,

physicians can gain deeper insight into the ethical issues they face and

usually reach mutually acceptable resolutions to complex problems.

APPROACHES TO ETHICAL PROBLEMS

Several approaches are useful for resolving ethical issues, including

approaches based on ethical principles, virtue ethics, professional oaths,

and personal values. These various sources of guidance may seem to

conflict in a particular case, leaving the physician in a quandary. In a

diverse society, different individuals may turn to different sources of

moral guidance. In addition, general moral precepts often need to be

interpreted and applied to a particular clinical situation.

■ ETHICAL PRINCIPLES

Ethical principles can serve as general guidelines to help physicians

determine the right thing to do.

Respecting Patients Physicians should always treat patients with

respect, which entails understanding patients’ goals, providing information, communicating effectively, obtaining informed and voluntary

consent, respecting informed refusals, and protecting confidentiality.

Different clinical goals and approaches are often feasible, and interventions can result in both benefit and harm. Individuals differ in how

they value health and medical care and how they weigh the benefits

and risks of medical interventions. Generally, physicians should respect

patients’ values and informed choices. Treating patients with respect is

especially important when patients are responding to experiences of, or

fears about, disrespect and discrimination.

GOALS AND TREATMENT DECISIONS Physicians should provide relevant and accurate information for patients about diagnoses, current

clinical circumstances, expected future course, prognosis, treatment

options, and uncertainties, and discuss patients’ goals of care. Physicians may be tempted to withhold a serious diagnosis, misrepresent it

by using ambiguous terms, or limit discussions of prognosis or risks for

fear that patients will become anxious or depressed. Providing honest

information about clinical situations promotes patients’ autonomy and

trust as well as sound communication with patients and colleagues.

When physicians have to share bad news with patients, they should

adjust the pace of disclosure, offer empathy and hope, provide emotional support, and call on other resources such as spiritual care or

social work to help patients cope. Some patients may choose not to

receive such information or may ask surrogates to make decisions on

their behalf, as is common with serious diagnoses in some traditional

cultures.

SHARED DECISION-MAKING AND OBTAINING INFORMED CONSENT

Physicians should engage their patients in shared decision-making

about their health and their care, whenever appropriate. Physicians

should discuss with patients the nature, risks, and benefits of proposed

care; any alternative; and the likely consequences of each option. Physicians promote shared decision-making by informing and educating

patients, answering their questions, checking that they understand

key issues, making recommendations, and helping them to deliberate.

Medical jargon, needlessly complicated explanations, or the provision

of too much information at once may overwhelm patients. Increasingly, decision aids can assist patients in playing a more active role in

decision-making, improving the accuracy of their perception of risk

and benefit, and helping them feel better informed and clearer about

their values. Informed consent is more than obtaining signatures on

consent forms and involves disclosure of honest and understandable information to promote understanding and choice. Competent,

informed patients may refuse recommended interventions and choose

among reasonable alternatives. In an emergency, treatment can be

given without informed consent if patients cannot give their own

consent and delaying treatment while surrogates are contacted would

jeopardize patients’ lives or health. People are presumed to want such

emergency care unless they have previously indicated otherwise.

Respect for patients does not entitle patients to insist on any care or

treatment that they want. Physicians are not obligated to provide interventions that have no physiologic rationale, that have already failed,

or that are contrary to evidence-based practice recommendations or

good clinical judgment. Public policies and laws also dictate certain

decisions—e.g., allocation of scarce medical resources during a public

health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic, use of cadaveric organs

for transplantation, and requests for physician aid in dying.

CARING FOR PATIENTS WHO LACK DECISION-MAKING CAPACITY Some

patients are unable to make informed decisions because of unconsciousness, advanced dementia, delirium, or other medical conditions.

Courts have the legal authority to determine that a patient is legally

incompetent, but in practice, physicians usually determine when

patients lack the capacity to make particular health care decisions and

arrange for authorized surrogates to make decisions, without involving

the courts. Patients with decision-making capacity can express a choice

and appreciate their medical situation; the nature, risks, and benefits of

proposed care; and the consequences of each alternative. Patient choices

should be consistent with their values and not the result of delusions,

hallucinations, or misinformation. Physicians should use available

and validated assessment tools, resources such as psychiatry or ethics

consultation, and clinical judgment to ascertain whether individuals

have the capacity to make decisions for themselves. Patients should not

be assumed to lack capacity if they disagree with recommendations or

refuse treatment. Such decisions should be probed, however, to ensure

the patient is not deciding based on misunderstandings and has the

capacity to make an informed decision. When impairments are fluctuating or reversible, decisions should be postponed if possible until the

patient recovers decision-making capacity.

When a patient lacks decision-making capacity, physicians seek

an appropriate surrogate. Patients may designate a health care proxy

through an advance directive or on a Physician Orders for LifeSustaining Treatment form; such choices should be respected (see

Chap. 12). For patients who lack decision-making capacity and have

not previously designated a health care proxy, family members usually

serve as surrogates. Statutes in most U.S. states delineate a prioritized

list of relatives to make medical decisions. Patients’ values, goals, and

previously expressed preferences guide surrogate decisions. However,

the patient’s current best interests may sometimes justify overriding

earlier preferences if an intervention is likely to provide significant

benefit, previous statements do not fit the situation well, or the patient

gave the surrogate leeway in decisions.

MAINTAINING CONFIDENTIALITY Maintaining confidentiality is

essential to respecting patients’ autonomy and privacy; it encourages

patients to seek treatment and to discuss problems candidly. However,

confidentiality may be overridden to prevent serious harm to third

parties or the patient. Exceptions to confidentiality are justified when

the risk to others is serious and probable, no less restrictive measures

can avert risk, and the adverse effects of overriding confidentiality

are minimized and deemed acceptable by society. For example, laws

require physicians to report cases of tuberculosis, sexually transmitted

infection, elder or child abuse, and domestic violence.

Beneficence or Acting in Patients’ Best Interests The principle of beneficence requires physicians to act for the patient’s benefit.

Patients typically lack medical expertise, and illness may make them

vulnerable. Patients rely on and trust physicians to treat them with


Ethical Issues in Clinical Medicine

69CHAPTER 11

compassion and provide sound recommendations and treatments

aimed to promote their well-being. Physicians encourage such trust

and have a fiduciary duty to act in the best interests of patients, which

should prevail over physicians’ self-interest or the interests of third

parties such as hospitals or insurers. A principle related to beneficence,

“first do no harm,” obliges physicians to prevent unnecessary harm

by recommending interventions that maximize benefit and minimize

harm and forbids physicians from providing known ineffective interventions or acting without due care. Although often cited, this precept

alone provides limited guidance because many beneficial interventions

also pose serious risks.

Physicians increasingly provide care within interdisciplinary teams

and rely on consultation with or referral to specialists. Team members

and consultants contribute different types of expertise to the provision

of comprehensive, high-quality care for patients. Physicians should

collaborate with and respect the contributions of the various interdisciplinary team members and should initiate and participate in regular

communication and planning to avoid diffusion of responsibility and

ensure accountability for quality patient care.

INFLUENCES ON PATIENTS’ BEST INTERESTS Conflicts arise when

patients’ refusal or request of interventions thwarts their own goals for

care, causes serious harm, or conflicts with their best medical interests.

For example, simply accepting a young asthmatic adult’s refusal of

mechanical ventilation for reversible respiratory failure, in the name

of respecting autonomy, is morally constricted. Physicians should elicit

patients’ expectations and concerns, correct their misunderstandings,

and try to persuade them to accept beneficial therapies. If disagreements persist after such efforts, physicians should call on institutional

resources for assistance, but patients’ informed choices and views of

their own best interests should prevail.

Drug prices and out-of-pocket expenses for patients have been escalating in many parts of the world and may compromise care that is in

the patients’ best interests. Physicians should recognize that patients,

especially those with high copayments or inadequate insurance, may

not be able to afford prescribed tests and interventions. Physicians

should strive to prescribe medications that are affordable and acceptable to the patient. Knowing what kind of insurance, if any, the patient

has and whether certain medications are likely to be covered may help

in determining appropriate prescriptions. Available alternatives should

be considered and discussed. Physicians should follow up with patients

who don’t fill prescriptions, don’t take their medications, or skip doses

to explore whether cost and affordability are obstacles. It may be

reasonable for physicians to advocate for coverage of nonformulary

products for sound reasons, such as when the formulary drugs are less

effective or not tolerated or are too costly for the patient to pay for out

of pocket. These should be shared decisions with the patient to the

extent possible.

Organizational policies and workplace conditions may sometimes

conflict with patients’ best interests. Physicians’ focus and dedication to

the well-being and interests of patients may be negatively influenced by

perceived or actual staffing inadequacies, unfair wages, infrastructural

deficiencies or lack of equipment, work-hour limitations, corporate

culture, and threats to personal security in the workplace. Physicians

should work with institutional leaders to ensure that policies and practices support their ability to provide quality care focused on patients’

best interests.

Patients’ interests are served by improvements in overall quality

of care and the increasing use of evidence-based practice guidelines

and performance benchmarking. However, practice guideline recommendations may not serve the interests of each individual patient,

especially when another plan of care may provide substantially greater

benefits. In prioritizing their duty to act in the patient’s best interests,

physicians should be familiar with relevant practice guidelines, be able

to recognize situations that might justify exceptions, and advocate for

reasonable exceptions.

Acting Justly The principle of justice provides guidance to physicians about how to ethically treat patients and make decisions about

allocating important resources, including their own time. Justice in a

general sense means fairness: people should receive what they deserve.

In addition, it is important to act consistently in cases that are similar

in ethically relevant ways, in order to avoid arbitrary, biased, and unfair

decisions. Justice forbids discrimination in health care based on race,

religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability, age, or other personal

characteristics (Chap. 10).

ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES Justice also requires fair allocation of

limited health care resources. Universal access to medically needed

health care remains an unrealized moral aspiration in the United States

and many countries around the world. Patients with no or inadequate

health insurance often cannot afford health care and lack access to

safety-net services. Even among insured patients, insurers may deny

coverage for interventions recommended by their physician. In this

situation, physicians should advocate for patients’ affordable access

to indicated care, try to help patients obtain needed care, and work

with institutions and policies to promote wider access. Doctors might

consider—or patients might request—the use of lies or deception to

obtain such benefits, for example, signing a disability form for a patient

who does not meet disability criteria. Although motivated by a desire to

help the patient, such deception breaches basic ethical guidelines and

undermines physicians’ credibility and trustworthiness.

Allocation of health care resources is unavoidable when resources

are limited. Allocation policies should be fair, transparent, accountable,

responsive to the concerns of those affected, and proportionate to the

situation, including the supply relative to the need. In the 2019–2020

SARS-CoV-2/COVID-19 pandemic, some epicenters anticipated or

faced shortages of staff, protective equipment, hospital and critical care

beds, and ventilators, even after increasing supplies and modifying

usual clinical procedures. Many jurisdictions developed guidelines for

implementing crisis standards of care to allocate limited interventions

and services. Under crisis standards of care, some aspects of conventional care are not possible and interventions may not be provided to

all who might benefit or wish to receive them. Crisis standards of care

aim to promote the good of the community by saving the most lives in

the short term, using evidence-based criteria.

When demand for medications or other interventions exceeds

the supply, allocation should be fair, strive to avoid discrimination,

and mitigate health disparities. First-come, first-served allocation is

not fair, because it disadvantages patients who experience barriers to

accessing care. To avoid discrimination, allocation decisions should

not consider personal social characteristics such as race, gender, or disability, nor consider insurance status or wealth. Allocation policies also

should aspire to reduce health care disparities. U.S. African-American,

Latino-American, and Native-American patients suffered a disproportionate number of COVID-19 cases and deaths, likely due in part to

being employed in jobs that cannot be done remotely or with physical

distancing, crowded housing, lack of health benefits, and poor access

to health care.

Fair and well-considered guidelines help mitigate any emotional

and moral distress that clinicians may experience making difficult

allocation decisions. Authorizing triage officers or committees to make

allocation decisions according to policies determined with public

input allows treating physicians and nurses to dedicate their efforts to

their patients. Ad hoc resource allocation by physicians at the bedside

may be inconsistent, unfair, and ineffective. At the bedside, physicians

should act as patient advocates within constraints set by society, reasonable insurance policies, and evidence-based practice. Many allocation decisions are made at the level of public policy, with physician

and public input. For example, the United Network for Organ Sharing

(www.unos.org) provides criteria for allocating scarce organs.

■ VIRTUE ETHICS

Virtue ethics focuses on physicians’ character and qualities, with the

expectation that doctors will cultivate virtues such as compassion,

trustworthiness, intellectual honesty, humility, and integrity. Proponents argue that, if such characteristics become ingrained, they help

guide physicians in unforeseen situations. Moreover, following ethical

precepts or principles without any of these virtues could lead to uncaring doctor–patient relationships.


70PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

■ PROFESSIONAL OATHS AND CODES

Professional oaths and codes are useful guides for physicians. Most

physicians take oaths during their medical training, and many are

members of professional societies that have professional codes. Physicians pledge to the public and to their patients that they will be guided

by the principles and values in these oaths or codes and commit to the

spirit of the ethical ideals and precepts represented in oaths and professional codes of ethics.

■ PERSONAL VALUES

Personal values, cultural traditions, and religious beliefs are important

sources of personal morality that help physicians address ethical issues

and cope with any moral distress they may experience in practice.

While essential, personal morality alone is a limited ethical guide

in clinical practice. Physicians have role-specific ethical obligations

that go beyond their obligations as good people, including the duties

to obtain informed consent and maintain confidentiality discussed

earlier. Furthermore, in a culturally and religiously diverse world,

physicians should expect that some patients and colleagues will have

personal moral beliefs that differ from their own.

ETHICALLY COMPLEX PROFESSIONAL

ISSUES FOR PHYSICIANS

■ CLAIMS OF CONSCIENCE

Some physicians, based on their personal values, have conscientious

objections to providing, or referring patients for, certain treatments such

as contraception or physician aid in dying. Although physicians should

not be asked to violate deeply held moral beliefs or religious convictions,

patients need medically appropriate, timely care and should always be

treated with respect. Institutions such as clinics and hospitals have a

collective ethical duty to provide care that patients need while making

reasonable attempts to accommodate health care workers’ conscientious objections—for example, when possible by arranging for another

professional to provide the service in question. Patients seeking a

relationship with a doctor or health care institution should be notified

in advance of any conscientious objections to the provision of specific

interventions. Since insurance often constrains patients’ selection of

physicians or health care facilities, switching providers can be burdensome. There are also important limits on claims of conscience. Health

care workers may not insist that patients receive unwanted medical

interventions. They also may not refuse to treat or discriminate against

patients because of their race, ethnicity, disability, genetic information,

or diagnosis. Such discrimination is illegal and violates physicians’

duties to respect patients. Refusal to treat patients for other reasons

such as sexual orientation, gender identity, or other personal characteristics is legally more controversial, yet ethically inappropriate because it

falls short of helping patients in need and respecting them as persons.

■ PHYSICIAN AS GATEKEEPER

In some cases, patients may ask their physicians to facilitate access

to services that the physician has ethical qualms about providing.

For example, a patient might request a prescription for a cognitively

enhancing medication to temporarily augment his cognitive abilities in

order to take an exam or apply for employment. Patients may request

more pain medication than the physician believes is warranted for

the given situation or marijuana to facilitate sleep. Patients may ask

their physician to sign a waiver to avoid vaccines for reasons that

are not included in state exceptions (see Chap. 3). A physician may

feel uncomfortable prescribing attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder medications to a young child because she is not convinced that

the possible benefit justifies the risks to the child despite the parent’s

request. In these circumstances, the physician should work with the

patient or parent to understand the reasons for their requests, some

of which might be legitimate. In addition to considering possible risks

and benefits to the patient, the physician should consider how meeting

the request might affect other patients, societal values, and public trust

in the medical profession. If the physician determines that fulfilling

the request requires deception, is unfair, jeopardizes her professional

responsibilities, or is inconsistent with the patient’s best medical

interests, the physician should decline and explain the reasons to the

patient.

■ MORAL DISTRESS

Health care providers, including residents, medical students, and

experienced physicians, may experience moral distress when they feel

that ethically appropriate action is hindered by institutional policies

or culture, decision-making hierarchies, limited resources, or other

reasons. Moral distress can lead to anger, anxiety, depression, frustration, fatigue, work dissatisfaction, and burnout. A physician’s health

and well-being can affect how he or she cares for patients. Discussing

complex or unfamiliar clinical situations with colleagues and seeking

assistance with difficult decisions can help alleviate moral distress, as

can a healthy work environment characterized by open communication, mutual respect, and emphasis on the common goal of good

patient care. In addition, physicians should take good care of their own

well-being and be aware of the personal and system factors associated

with stress, burnout, and depression. Health care organizations should

provide a supportive work environment, counseling, and other support

services when needed.

■ OCCUPATIONAL RISKS AND BURDENS

Physicians accept some physical risk in fulfilling their professional

responsibilities, including exposure to infectious agents or toxic

substances, violence in the workplace, and musculoskeletal injury.

Nonetheless, most physicians, nurses, and other hospital staff willingly

care for patients, despite personal risk and fear, grueling hours, and

sometimes inadequate personal protective equipment or information.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many communities honored clinicians’ dedication to professional ideals, and some medical students who

were relieved from in-person patient care responsibilities volunteered

to support front-line workers in other ways. The burdens of navigating

professional and personal responsibilities fall more heavily on women

health care providers. Health care institutions are responsible for

reducing occupational risk and burden by providing proper information, training and supervision, protective equipment, infrastructure

and workflow modifications, and emotional and psychological support

to physicians. Clinical leaders need to acknowledge fears about personal safety and take steps to mitigate the impact of work on family

responsibilities, moral distress, and burnout.

■ USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA AND PATIENT PORTALS

Increasingly, physicians use social and electronic media to share information and advice with patients and other providers. Social networking

may be especially useful in reaching young or otherwise hard-to-access

patients. Patients increasingly access their physicians’ notes through

patient portals, which aim to transparently share information, promote patient engagement, and increase adherence. Physicians should

be professional and respectful and consider patient confidentiality,

professional boundaries, and therapeutic relationships when posting to

social media or writing notes for the portal. Overall, appropriate use of

these platforms can enhance communication and transparency while

avoiding misunderstandings or harmful consequences for patients,

physicians, or their colleagues. Unprofessional or careless posts that

express frustration or anger over work incidents, disparage patients or

colleagues, use offensive or discriminatory language, or reveal inappropriate personal information about the physician can have negative

consequences. Physicians should separate professional from personal

websites and accounts and follow institutional and professional society

guidelines when communicating with patients.

CONFLICTS OF INTEREST

Acting in patients’ best interests may sometimes conflict with a physician’s self-interest or the interests of third parties such as insurers or

hospitals. From an ethical viewpoint, patients’ interests are paramount.

Transparency, appropriate disclosure, and management of conflicts of

interest are essential to maintain the trust of colleagues and the public.

Disclosure requirements vary for different purposes, and software has

 


64PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

In addition, in the setting of even a minimal language barrier,

provider–patient communication without an interpreter is recognized

as a major challenge to effective health care delivery. These communication barriers for patients with limited English proficiency lead

to frequent misunderstanding of diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up

plans; inappropriate use of medications; lack of informed consent for

surgical procedures; high rates of adverse events with more serious

clinical consequences; and a lower-quality health care experience than

is provided to patients who speak fluent English. Physicians who have

access to trained interpreters report a significantly higher quality of

patient–physician communication than physicians who use other

methods. Communication issues related to discordant language disproportionately affect minorities and likely contribute to racial/ethnic

disparities in health care.

CLINICAL DECISION-MAKING Theory and research suggest that variations in clinical decision-making may contribute to racial and ethnic

disparities in health care. Two factors are central to this process: clinical

uncertainty and stereotyping.

First, a doctor’s decision-making process is nested in clinical uncertainty. Doctors depend on inferences about severity based on what

they understand about illness and the information obtained from the

patient. A doctor caring for a patient whose symptoms he or she has

difficulty understanding and whose “signals”—the set of clues and

indications that physicians rely on to make clinical decisions—are hard

to read may make a decision different from the one that would be made

for another patient who presents with exactly the same clinical condition. Given that the expression of symptoms may differ among cultural

and racial groups, doctors—the overwhelming majority of whom are

white—may understand symptoms best when expressed by patients of

their own racial/ethnic groups. The consequence is that white patients

may be treated differently from minority patients. Differences in clinical decisions can arise from this mechanism even when the doctor has

the same regard for each patient (i.e., is not prejudiced).

Second, the literature on social cognitive theory highlights how natural tendencies to stereotype may influence clinical decision-making.

Stereotyping can be defined as the way in which people use social categories (e.g., race, gender, age) in acquiring, processing, and recalling

information about others. Faced with enormous information loads and

the need to make many decisions, people often subconsciously simplify the decision-making process and lessen cognitive effort by using

“categories” or “stereotypes” that bundle information into groups or

types that can be processed more quickly. Although functional, stereotyping can be systematically biased, as people are automatically

classified into social categories based on dimensions such as race,

gender, and age. Many people may not be aware of their attitudes, may

not consciously endorse specific stereotypes, and paradoxically may

consider themselves egalitarian and not prejudiced.

Stereotypes may be strongly influenced by the messages presented

consciously and unconsciously in society. For instance, if the media

and our social/professional contacts tend to present images of minorities as being less educated, more violent, and nonadherent to health

care recommendations, these impressions may generate stereotypes

that unnaturally and unjustly impact clinical decision-making. As signs

of racism, classism, gender bias, and ageism are experienced (consciously or unconsciously) in our society, stereotypes may be created

that impact the way doctors manage patients from these groups. On

the basis of training or practice location, doctors may develop certain

perceptions about race/ethnicity, culture, and class that may evolve

into stereotypes. For example, many medical students and residents

are trained—and minorities cared for—in academic health centers or

public hospitals located in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas. As

a result, doctors may begin to equate certain races and ethnicities with

specific health beliefs and behaviors (e.g., “these patients” engage in

risky behaviors, “those patients” tend to be noncompliant) that are

more associated with the social environment (e.g., poverty) than with

a patient’s racial/ethnic background or cultural traditions. This “conditioning” phenomenon may also be operative if doctors are faced

with certain racial/ethnic patient groups who frequently do not choose

aggressive forms of diagnostic or therapeutic intervention. The result

over time may be that doctors begin to believe that “these patients” do

not like invasive procedures; thus, they may not offer these procedures

as options. A wide range of studies have documented the potential for

provider biases to contribute to racial/ethnic disparities in health care.

For example, one study measured physicians’ unconscious (or implicit)

biases and showed that these were related to differences in decisions to

provide thrombolysis for a hypothetical black or white patient with a

myocardial infarction.

It is important to differentiate stereotyping from prejudice and

discrimination. Prejudice is a conscious prejudgment of individuals

that may lead to disparate treatment, and discrimination is conscious

and intentional disparate treatment. All individuals stereotype subconsciously, yet, if left unquestioned, these subconscious assumptions may

lead to lower-quality care for certain groups because of differences in

clinical decision-making or differences in communication and patientcenteredness. For example, one study tested physicians’ unconscious

racial/ethnic biases and showed that patients perceived more biased

physicians as being less patient-centered in their communication.

What is particularly salient is that stereotypes tend to be activated

most in environments where the individual is stressed, multitasking,

and under time pressure—the hallmarks of the clinical encounter. In

fact, in a survey of close to 16,000 physicians, 42% admitted that bias—

including by race and ethnicity—impacted their clinical decisionmaking. Interestingly, emergency medicine physicians, who work in

environments of stress, time pressure, risk, and where they are multitasking, topped the list by discipline at 62%.

Patient-Level Factors Lack of trust has become a major concern

for many health care institutions today. For example, an IOM report,

To Err Is Human: Building a Safer Health System, documented alarming

rates of medical errors that made patients feel vulnerable and less trustful of the U.S. health care system. The increased media and academic

attention to problems related to quality of care (and of disparities themselves) has clearly diminished trust in doctors and nurses.

Trust is a crucial element in the therapeutic alliance between patient

and health care provider. It facilitates open communication and is

directly correlated with adherence to the physician’s recommendations

and the patient’s satisfaction. In other words, patients who mistrust

their health care providers are less satisfied with the care they receive,

and mistrust of the health care system greatly affects patients’ use of services. Mistrust can also result in inconsistent care, “doctor-shopping,”

0

20

40

Total White African

American

Hispanic Asian

American

19%

16%

23%

33%

27%

Percent of adults with one or more communication problems*

Base: Adults with health care visit in past two years

*Problems include understanding doctor, feeling doctor listened,

had questions but did not ask.

FIGURE 10-9 Communication difficulties with physicians, by race/ethnicity. The

reference population consisted of 6722 Americans ≥18 years of age who had made

a medical visit in the previous 2 years and were asked whether they had had trouble

understanding their doctors, whether they felt that the doctors had not listened, and

whether they had had medical questions they were afraid to ask. (Reproduced with

permission from the Commonwealth Fund Health Care Quality Survey, 2001.)


Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care

65CHAPTER 10

self-medication, and an increased demand by patients for referrals and

diagnostic tests.

On the basis of historic factors such as discrimination, segregation,

and medical experimentation, blacks may be especially mistrustful of

providers. The exploitation of blacks by the U.S. Public Health Service

during the Tuskegee syphilis study from 1932 to 1972 left a legacy

of mistrust that persists even today among this population. Other

populations, including Native Americans/Alaskan Natives, Hispanics/

Latinos, and Asian Americans, also harbor significant mistrust of the

health care system. A national survey conducted by the Kaiser Family

Foundation found that there is significant mistrust for the health care

system among minority populations. Of the 3884 individuals surveyed,

36% of Hispanics and 35% of blacks (compared to 15% of whites) felt

they were treated unfairly in the health care system in the past based on

their race and ethnicity. Perhaps even more alarming—65% of blacks

and 58% of Hispanics (compared to 22% of whites) were afraid of being

treated unfairly in the future based on their race/ethnicity (Fig. 10-10).

This mistrust may contribute to wariness in accepting or following recommendations, undergoing invasive procedures, or participating in clinical research, and these choices, in turn, may lead to

misunderstanding and the perpetuation of stereotypes among health

professionals.

■ KEY RECOMMENDATIONS TO ADDRESS RACIAL/

ETHNIC DISPARITIES IN HEALTH CARE

Unequal Treatment provides recommendations to address the root

causes of racial/ethnic disparities organized as health system interventions, provider interventions, patient interventions, and general

recommendations.

Health System Interventions • COLLECTING, REPORTING, AND

TRACKING OF DATA ON HEALTH CARE ACCESS AND USE, BY PATIENTS’

RACE/ETHNICITY Unequal Treatment found that the appropriate

systems to track and monitor racial and ethnic disparities in health

care are lacking and that less is known about the disparities affecting

minority groups other than African Americans (Hispanics, Asian

Americans, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans, and Alaskan Natives).

For instance, only in the mid-1980s did the Medicare database begin

to collect data on patient groups outside the standard categories of

“white,” “black,” and “other.” Federal, private, and state-supported

data-collection efforts are scattered and unsystematic, and many

health care systems and hospitals still do not collect data on the race,

ethnicity, or primary language of enrollees or patients. A survey by the

Institute for Diversity in Health Management and the Health Research

and Educational Trust in 2015 found that 98% of 1083 U.S. hospitals

collected information on race, 95% collected data on ethnicity, and

94% collected data on primary language. However, only 45% collected

data on race, 40% collected data on ethnicity, and 38% collected data

on primary language to benchmark gaps in care. A survey by America’s

Health Insurance Plans Foundation in 2008 and 2010 showed that the

proportion of enrollees in plans that collected race/ethnicity data of

some type increased from 75 to 79%; however, the total percentage of

plan enrollees whose race/ethnicity and language are recorded is still

much lower than these figures.

COLLECTING, REPORTING, AND TRACKING OF SDOH DATA In 2014,

the IOM Committee on Recommended Social and Behavioral Domains

and Measures for Electronic Health Records recommended the routine

collection, in the electronic health record, of a parsimonious panel of

clinically significant SDOH measures that may be obtained by selfreport in advance of or during the health care encounter and, when

used together, provide a psychosocial vital sign. The IOM-recommended

questionnaire includes 25 items addressing the following domains: race

and ethnicity, education, financial resource strain, stress, depression,

physical activity, tobacco use, alcohol use, social connection or isolation, intimate partner violence, residential address, and geocoded census tract median income. Implementation studies have demonstrated

that collection of these data takes about 5 minutes, and both patients

and providers saw this data collection as appropriate and important.

Given that data access and monitoring is an essential component to disparities elimination, we highlight several important sources of up-todate racial/ethnic disparities monitoring initiatives that are available to

the general public and are updated regularly. We highlight only three

examples of national data sources.

• Since 2003, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality has

led the yearly compilation of The National Healthcare Quality and

Disparities Report, which reports trends for measures related to

access to health care, affordable care, care coordination, healthy living, patient safety, and the quality of care across acute and chronic

disease management by race/ethnicity, income, and other SDOH

(https://www.ahrq.gov/research/findings/nhqrdr/index.html).

• Since 2011, the Geospatial Research, Analysis, and Services Program

(GRASP) created and maintains the Centers for Disease Control

and Prevention Social Vulnerability Index. This database maps, for

all U.S. Census tracts, 15 social factors (grouped in four SDOH categories: socioeconomic status, housing composition and disability,

minority status and language, and housing and transportation) and

is updated every 2 years (https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/placeandhealth/

svi/index.html).

• Launched in 2018, the Health Opportunity and Equity (HOPE) Initiative benchmarks and tracks 27 indicators by race, ethnicity, and

socioeconomic status. The indicators measure social and economic

factors, community and safety, physical environment, access to

health care, and health outcomes for the United States (https://www

.nationalcollaborative.org/our-programs/hope-initiative-project/).

INCREASE INSURANCE COVERAGE AND ACCESS Lack of access to

high-quality health care is an important driver of racial/ethnic disparities.

Signed into law in 2010, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) fundamentally

transformed health insurance by decreasing the uninsured population

from 16.3% in 2010 (~49.9 million) to 8.8.% in 2016 (~28.1 million). This

represents the largest expansion of health insurance since the creation

of Medicare and Medicaid in 1965. Prior to the ACA, non-Hispanic

blacks were 70% and Hispanics nearly three times more likely to be

uninsured than non-Hispanic whites. Of note, Medicaid expansion

accounted for an estimated 60% of the ACA’s effect through a combination of expanded eligibility and increased enrollment of previously

eligible but unenrolled people. This is important given the higher

number of racial/ethnic minorities who obtain insurance through

Medicaid. Many studies have demonstrated that increased insurance

coverage has also translated to greater improvement for blacks and

Hispanics in access to care, more access to a usual source of care, and

improved health outcomes.

ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE USE OF EVIDENCE-BASED GUIDELINES AND

QUALITY IMPROVEMENT Unequal Treatment highlights the subjectivity of clinical decision-making as a potential cause of racial and

0 20 40 60 80

Future unfair

Tx based on

race/ethnicity

Past unfair

Tx based on

race/ethnicity

Whites

Blacks

Latinos

15

35

36

22

65

58

Percent

FIGURE 10-10 Patient perspectives regarding unfair treatment (Tx) based on race/

ethnicity. The reference population consisted of 3884 individuals surveyed about

how fairly they had been treated in the health care system in the past and how fairly

they felt they would be treated in the future on the basis of their race/ethnicity. (From

Race, Ethnicity & Medical Care: A Survey of Public Perceptions and Experiences.

Kaiser Family Foundation, 2005.)


66PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

ethnic disparities in health care by describing how clinicians—despite

the existence of well-delineated practice guidelines—may offer (consciously or unconsciously) different diagnostic and therapeutic options

to different patients on the basis of their race or ethnicity. Therefore,

the widespread adoption and implementation of evidence-based guidelines is a key recommendation in eliminating disparities. For instance,

evidence-based guidelines are now available for the management of

diabetes, HIV/AIDS, cardiovascular diseases, cancer screening and

management, and asthma—all areas where significant disparities exist.

As part of ongoing quality-improvement efforts, particular attention

should be paid to the implementation of evidence-based guidelines for

all patients, regardless of their race and ethnicity.

SUPPORT FOR THE USE OF LANGUAGE INTERPRETATION SERVICES IN

THE CLINICAL SETTING As described previously, a lack of efficient

and effective interpreter services in a health care system can lead to

patient dissatisfaction, to poor comprehension and adherence, and

thus to ineffective/lower-quality care for patients with limited English

proficiency. Unequal Treatment’s recommendation to support the use

of interpretation services has clear implications for delivery of quality

health care by improving doctors’ ability to communicate effectively

with these patients.

INCREASES IN THE PROPORTION OF UNDERREPRESENTED MINORITIES

IN THE HEALTH CARE WORKFORCE Data for 2018 from the Association of American Medical Colleges indicate that of active physicians,

56.2% identified as white, 5.8% identified as Hispanic, 5.0% identified

as black or African American, and 0.3% identified as Native American

or Alaskan Natives. Furthermore, U.S. national data show that only

3.6% of full-time faculty are black or African American, and 5.5% are

Hispanic, Latino, or of Spanish origin (alone or in combination with

another race/ethnicity), compared to 63.9% who identified as white.

Longitudinal data demonstrate that minority faculty are more likely to

be at or below the rank of assistant professor, while whites composed

the highest proportion of full professors. Similarly, several studies have

found that both Hispanic and black faculty were promoted at lower

rates than their white counterparts. Despite representing ~30% of the

U.S. population (a number projected to almost double by 2050), minority students are still underrepresented in medical schools. In 2018,

matriculates to U.S. medical schools were 6.2% Latino, 7.1% African

American, 0.1% Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, and 0.2%

Native American or Alaskan Native. These percentages have decreased

or remained nearly the same since 2007. It will be difficult to develop a

diverse physician workforce that can meet the needs of an increasingly

diverse population without dramatic changes in the racial and ethnic

composition of medical student bodies. Long-term investment in pipeline programs and the nearly universal adoption of holistic admissions

(a process by which schools consider each applicant individually to

determine how they might contribute to the learning environment

and the workforce instead of relying just on test scores and grades)

have produced modest results. Institutional change in medical schools,

focused on creating nurturing, inclusive, and equity-focused environments that dismantle the structural racism that has created the opportunity gap faced by many minority students, is needed to address this

important workforce challenge.

Provider Interventions • INTEGRATION OF CROSS-CULTURAL EDUCATION INTO THE TRAINING OF ALL HEALTH CARE PROFESSIONALS

The goal of cross-cultural education is to improve providers’ ability

to understand, communicate with, and care for patients from diverse

backgrounds. Such education focuses on enhancing awareness of

sociocultural influences on health beliefs and behaviors and on building skills to facilitate understanding and management of these factors

in the medical encounter. Cross-cultural education includes curricula

on health care disparities, use of interpreters, and effective communication and negotiation across cultures. These curricula can be incorporated into health professions training in medical schools, residency

programs, nursing schools, and other health professions programs, and

can be offered as a component of continuing education. Despite the

importance of this area of education and the attention it has attracted

from medical education accreditation bodies, a national survey of

senior resident physicians by Weissman and colleagues found that up

to 28% felt unprepared to deal with cross-cultural issues, including

caring for patients who have religious beliefs that may affect treatment,

patients who use complementary medicine, patients who have health

beliefs at odds with Western medicine, patients who mistrust the health

care system, and new immigrants. In a study at one medical school,

70% of fourth-year students felt inadequately prepared to care for

patients with limited English proficiency. Efforts to incorporate crosscultural education into medical education will contribute to improving communication and to providing a better quality of care for all

patients.

INCORPORATION OF TEACHING ON THE IMPACT OF RACE, ETHNICITY,

AND CULTURE ON CLINICAL DECISION-MAKING Unequal Treatment

and more recent studies found that stereotyping by health care providers can lead to disparate treatment based on a patient’s race or ethnicity.

The Liaison Committee on Medical Education, which accredits medical schools, issued a directive that medical education should include

instruction on how a patient’s race, ethnicity, and culture might unconsciously impact communication and clinical decision-making.

Patient Interventions Difficulty navigating the health care system and obtaining access to care can be a hindrance to all populations,

particularly to minorities. Similarly, lack of empowerment or involvement in the medical encounter by minorities can be a barrier to care.

Patients need to be educated on how to navigate the health care system

and how best to access care. Interventions should be used to increase

patients’ participation in treatment decisions.

General Recommendations • INCREASE AWARENESS OF RACIAL/

ETHNIC DISPARITIES IN HEALTH CARE Efforts to raise awareness of

racial/ethnic health care disparities have done little for the general

public but have been fairly successful among physicians, according to

a Kaiser Family Foundation report. In 2006, nearly 6 in 10 people surveyed believed that blacks received the same quality of care as whites,

and 5 in 10 believed that Latinos received the same quality of care as

whites. These estimates are similar to findings in a 1999 survey. Despite

this lack of awareness, most people believed that all Americans deserve

quality care, regardless of their background. In contrast, the level of

awareness among physicians has risen sharply. In 2002, the majority

(69%) of physicians said that the health care system “rarely or never”

treated people unfairly on the basis of their racial/ethnic background.

In 2005, less than one-quarter (24%) of physicians disagreed with

the statement that “minority patients generally receive lower-quality

care than white patients.” More recently, a survey by WebMD showed

that 42% of 16,000 physicians admitted that their own personal biases

impact their clinical decision-making, including on characteristics

such as race and ethnicity. Increasing awareness of racial and ethnic

health disparities, and their root causes, among health care professionals and the public is an important first step in addressing these disparities. The ultimate goals are to generate discourse and to mobilize action

to address disparities at multiple levels, including health policymakers,

health systems, and the community.

CONDUCT FURTHER RESEARCH TO IDENTIFY SOURCES OF DISPARITIES

AND PROMISING INTERVENTIONS While the literature that formed

the basis for the findings reported and recommendations made in

Unequal Treatment provided significant evidence for racial and ethnic

disparities, additional research is needed in several areas. First, most of

the literature on disparities focuses on black-versus-white differences;

much less is known about the experiences of other minority groups.

Improving the ability to collect racial and ethnic patient data should

facilitate this process. However, in instances where the necessary systems are not yet in place, racial and ethnic patient data may be collected

prospectively in the setting of clinical or health services research to

more fully elucidate disparities for other populations. Second, much

of the literature on disparities to date has focused on defining areas in

which these disparities exist, but less has been done to identify the multiple factors that contribute to the disparities or to test interventions to

address these factors. There is clearly a need for research that identifies

promising practices and solutions to disparities.


 


60PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

race/ethnicity, education, and socioeconomic status have persisted. For

example, at every level of education and income, African Americans have

lower life expectancy at age 25 than whites and Hispanics/Latinos. Blacks

with a college degree or more education have lower life expectancy than

whites and Hispanics who graduated from high school. Blacks have had

lower life expectancy compared to whites for as long as data have been

collected. From 1975 to 2003, the largest difference in life expectancy

between blacks and whites was substantial (6.3 years for males and 4.5

years for females) (Fig. 10-1). The gap in life expectancy between the black

and white populations decreased by 2.3 years between 1999 and 2013 from

5.9 to 3.6 years (4.4 years for males and 3.0 years for women) (Fig. 10-2).

The life expectancy gap is augmented by worse health and higher

disease burden. Cardiovascular-related diseases remain the leading

cause of black-white differences in life expectancy. If all cardiovascular

causes and diabetes are considered together, they account for 35% and

52% of the gap for males and females, respectively. Finally, place matters

for health. Analysis of data from 2010 to 2015 demonstrate large geographic life expectancy gap variation at the census tract level (Fig. 10-3).

Socioeconomic and race/ethnicity factors, behavioral and metabolic risk

factors (prevalence of obesity, leisure-time physical inactivity, cigarette

smoking, hypertension, diabetes), and health care factors (percentage

of the population younger than 65 years who are insured, primary care

access and quality, number of physicians per capita) explained 60%,

74%, and 27% of county-level variation in life expectancy, respectively.

Combined, these factors explained 74% of this variation. Most of the

association between socioeconomic and race/ethnicity factors and life

expectancy was mediated through behavioral and metabolic risk factors.

In addition to racial and ethnic disparities in health, there are racial

and ethnic disparities in the quality of care for persons with access to

White females

Life expectancy (years)

60

70

1985 1995 2005

80

65

75

85

Black females

1985 1995 2005

Year

White males

1985 1995 2005

Black males

1985 1995 2005

FIGURE 10-1 Life expectancy at birth among black and white males and females in the United States, 1975–2003. (Adapted from S Harper, J Lynch, S Burris, GD Smith:

Trends in the black-white life expectancy gap in the United States, 1983-2003. JAMA 297:1224, 2007.)

White male

Black male

1999

0

65

70

75

80

85

2001

Age (years)

2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013

Black

Black female

White female

White

FIGURE 10-2 Life expectancy, by race and sex: United States, 1999–2013. (From KD

Kochanek et al: NCHS Data Brief 218:1, 2015.)

the health care system. Seminal studies over several decades have consistently documented disparities in health care. For instance, studies

have documented disparities in the treatment of pneumonia and congestive heart failure, with blacks receiving less optimal care than whites

when hospitalized for these conditions. Moreover, blacks with endstage renal disease are referred less often to the transplant list than are

their white counterparts (Fig. 10-4). Disparities have been found, for

example, in the use of cardiac diagnostic and therapeutic procedures

(with blacks being referred less often than whites for cardiac catheterization and bypass grafting), prescription of analgesia for pain control

(with blacks and Hispanics/Latinos receiving less pain medication than

whites for long-bone fractures and cancer), and surgical treatment of

lung cancer (with blacks receiving less curative surgery than whites

for non-small-cell lung cancer). Again, many of these disparities have

occurred even when variations in factors such as insurance status,

income, age, comorbid conditions, and symptom expression are taken

into account. Finally, disparities in the quality of care provided at the

sites where minorities tend to receive care have been shown to be an

important additional contributor to overall disparities.

The 2019 National Healthcare Quality and Disparities Report, released

by the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, tracks about 250 health

care process, outcome, and access measures, across many diseases and settings. This annual report is particularly important because most studies

of disparities have not been longitudinally repeated with the same methodology to document trends and changes in disparities over time. This

report found that some disparities were getting smaller from 2000 through

2016–2018, but disparities persisted and some even worsened, especially

for poor and uninsured populations. For about 40% of quality measures,

blacks (82 of 202 measures) and American Indians and Alaska Natives

(47 of 116 measures) received worse care than whites. For more than onethird of quality measures, Hispanics (61 of 177 measures) received worse

care than whites. Asians and Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders received

worse care than whites for about 30% of quality measures, but Asians also

received better care for about 30% of quality measures (Fig. 10-5). Of note,

for those quality measures that demonstrated disparities at baseline, >90%

of these measures showed no improvement since 2000 (Fig. 10-6).

■ ROOT CAUSES OF DISPARITIES

Race, Racism, and Health Race and racism are core elements of any

explanatory model on racial and ethnic disparities in health and health

care. Our nation’s history of slavery, segregation, separate but “equal”

health care, and medical experimentation, among a myriad of other ways

in which racism has manifested in the United States, has played a key

role in the existence and persistence of these disparities. It is now well

accepted that race is a social category without biologic foundation and

a product of historical racism. Nevertheless, it is clear that racism has a

biologic impact as a form of psychosocial stress. It is now well established


Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care

61CHAPTER 10

Life Expectancy at birth (Quintiles)

Geographic areas with no data available are filled in gray

56.9–75.1 75.2–77.5 77.6–79.5 79.6–81.6 81.7–97.5

FIGURE 10-3 Life expectancy at birth for U.S. census tracts, 2010-2015. (A New View of Life Expectancy, Surveillance and Data - Blogs and Stories, Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/surveillance/blogs-stories/life-expectancy.html.)

100

80

60

40

20

0

59.6

80.3

57.9

82.2

40.3

68.9

40.6

67.9

Referred

for evaluation

Placed on waiting list

or received transplant

Percentage of patients

Black women

White women

Black men

White men

FIGURE 10-4 Referral for evaluation at a transplantation center or placement on a

waiting list/receipt of a renal transplant within 18 months after the start of dialysis

among patients who wanted a transplant, according to race and sex. The reference

population consisted of 239 black women, 280 white women, 271 black men, and

271 white men. Racial differences were statistically significant among both the

women and the men (p < .0001 for each comparison). (From JZ Ayanian, PD Cleary,

JS Weissman, AM Epstein: The effect of patients’ preferences on racial differences

in access to renal transplantation. N Engl J Med 341:1661,1999. Copyright © 1999

Massachusetts Medical Society. Reprinted with permission from Massachusetts

Medical Society.)

poorer adherence to medical regimens provide an additional important

pathway through which stressors influence disease risk. This accelerated disease risk, aging, and premature death has been termed the

weathering effect.

While most empiric research focuses on interpersonal racial/

ethnic discrimination, structural racism (sometimes called institutional

racism) provides a more holistic framework. Structural racism refers to

the totality of ways that a society fosters, sustains, and reinforces discrimination through sociopolitical, legal, economic, and health structures

that determine differential access to risks, opportunities, and resources

that drive health and health care disparities. Structural racism explains

how racism’s structure and ideology can persist in governmental and

institutional policies in the absence of individual actors who are explicitly

racially prejudiced. For example, the history of residential segregation

has had lasting negative effects generationally on equal access for racial/

ethnic minorities to employment, banking, earnings, high-quality education, and health care. Policies that do not address root structural causes

will not address health and health care inequities.

With the promise of individualizing clinical decisions, the use of

race in clinical and risk assessment algorithms has long been a part of

modern medicine. The evidence is now clear that race is not a reliable

proxy for genetic difference and that race adjustment has the potential

to create inadvertent disparities in health care. One clinical example is

from nephrology. Blacks have higher rates of end-stage kidney disease

and death due to kidney failure than the overall population. The most

widely used cohort-derived equation to estimate glomerular filtration

rate (GFR), the Chronic Kidney Disease Epidemiology Collaboration

(CKD-EPI) equation, has the limitation that it produces 80–90% estimated GFR (eGFR) values that are within ±30% of a patient’s measured

GFR. In addition, this equation uses a black race-related factor, which

increases eGFR for any given serum creatinine by 15.9% compared to

a nonblack patient with the same age, sex, and serum creatinine. The

increase in eGFR is likely to disadvantage blacks for early referral to a

nephrologist, early treatment of advanced chronic kidney disease, and

that psychosocial stress negatively impacts health through psychophysiologic reactivity causing hyperstimulation of the sympathetic-adrenalmedullary system and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, leading

to vascular inflammation, endothelial dysfunction, and neurohormonal dysregulation causing an acceleration of cardiovascular disease.

Behavioral changes occurring as adaptations or coping responses to

stressors such as increased smoking, decreased exercise and sleep, and


62PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

Better

Black (n=202) Asian (n=185) AI/AN (n=116) NHPI (n=72) Hispanic, all races

(n=177)

23

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

97

82

56

77

52

13

56

11

37

24 47

38

78

61

Same Worse

FIGURE 10-5 Number and percentage of quality measures for which members of selected groups experienced better,

same, or worse quality of care compared with reference group (white) for the most recent data year, 2014, 2016, 2017, or

2018. AI/AN, American Indian or Alaska Native; NHPI, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (From 2019 National Healthcare

Quality and Disparities Report. Rockville, MD: Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality; December 2020. AHRQ Pub.

No. 20(21)-0045-EF.)

Black (n=58)

3

Improving Not changing Worsening

Asian (n=37)

1

AI/AN (n=34)

2

NHPI (n=16)

1

Hispanic, all races

(n=53)

5

55 35 32 15 48

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

FIGURE 10-6 Number and percentage of quality measures with disparity at baseline for which disparities related to

race and ethnicity were improving, not changing, or worsening over time, 2000 through 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, or 2018. AI/

AN, American Indian or Alaska Native; NHPI, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander. (From 2019 National Healthcare Quality

and Disparities Report. Rockville, MD: Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality; December 2020. AHRQ Pub. No.

20(21)-0045-EF.)

kidney transplantation. It is also not clear how to apply the race factor

when the patient’s race is unknown and/or ambiguous, as in those who

are multiracial. This disparity-inducing scenario could be avoided

through the use of cystatin C–based eGFR estimation, which has been

demonstrated to be more accurate than the CKD-EPI equation and for

which race is not required in estimation.

The application of artificial intelligence (AI) analytics to large

amounts of clinical electronic data—big data—holds the promise to

better understand health care costs, utilization, resource allocation, and

population health monitoring. Machine learning models can identify the

statistical patterns in large amounts of historically collected data. These

data naturally contain the patterning of preexisting health care disparities created by socially and historically structured inequities. This biased

patterning can lead to incorrect predictions, withholding of resources,

and worse outcomes for vulnerable populations. Recently, analysis of

a commercial, national, proprietary prediction algorithm, affecting

millions of patients, exhibited racial bias. Historical cost data were used

to predict clinical risk and allocate additional clinical services for highcost patients. Algorithmic bias arose because black patients historically

have less access to health care and thus less money is spent on their care

compared to white patients. Thus, blacks, who tended to be sicker than

white patients, received lower clinical

risk scores and thus were less likely to

receive additional clinical services. The

observed allocation bias was remedied

using direct measures of illness and

illness severity. Thus, machine learning

algorithms are not inherently free of

bias and should be assessed for accuracy

and fairness.

In summary, there are many ways

in which racism has contributed and

does and will continue to contribute to

racial and ethnic disparities in health

and health care.

■ SOCIAL DETERMINANTS

OF HEALTH

Minority Americans have poorer health

outcomes than whites from preventable

and treatable conditions such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, asthma,

cancer, and HIV/AIDS. Multiple factors contribute to these racial and ethnic disparities in health. The landmark

National Academy of Medicine (formerly, the Institute of Medicine [IOM])

report, Unequal Treatment: Confronting

Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health

Care, published in 2002, summarized the

scientific evidence on health disparities

and provided an important framework

for conceptualizing and defining racial/

ethnic disparities. Since the Unequal

Treatment report, there has been a growing empiric evidence base on how racism

and the SDOH, often working in synergy,

create and sustain disparities. Mechanistically, the biopsychosocial model brings

together the social and physical characteristics of the environment with individual physical and psychological attributes.

These environmental and individual

characteristics, in turn, influence health

behaviors and stress-related physiologic

pathways that directly impact health.

The National Institute on Minority

Health and Health Disparities SDOH

model builds on prior models and adds

the time element across the life course of the individual in recognition of

the long-lasting health effects of socioeconomic exposures (Fig. 10-7).

The resulting matrix has the domains of influence of health (biological,

behavioral, physical and built environment, sociocultural environment,

health care system) along the y-axis and the levels of influence on health

(individual, interpersonal, community, societal) along the x-axis. Cells

are not mutually exclusive, and examples of factors within each cell are

illustrative and not comprehensive. This framework emphasizes the

complex multidomain etiologies of disparities across the factors in the

conceptual matrix thus highlighting the limitation of individual-level

focused research and policy.

In addition to race and racism, Unequal Treatment identified a set

of root causes that included health system, provider-level, and patientlevel factors.

Health System Factors • HEALTH SYSTEM COMPLEXITY Even

among persons who are insured and educated and who have a high

degree of health literacy, navigating the U.S. health care system can be

complicated and confusing. Some individuals may be at higher risk for

receiving substandard care because of their difficulty navigating the system’s complexities. These individuals may include those from cultures


Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care

63CHAPTER 10

unfamiliar with the Western model of health care delivery, those with

limited English proficiency, those with low health literacy, and those

who are mistrustful of the health care system. These individuals may

have difficulty knowing how and where to go for a referral to a specialist;

how to prepare for a procedure such as a colonoscopy; or how to follow

up on an abnormal test result such as a mammogram. Since people of

color in the United States tend to be overrepresented among the groups

listed above, the inherent complexity of navigating the health care system

has been seen as a root cause for racial/ethnic disparities in health care.

OTHER HEALTH SYSTEM FACTORS Racial/ethnic disparities are due

not only to differences in care provided within hospitals but also to

where and from whom minorities receive their care; i.e., certain specific

providers, geographic regions, or hospitals are lower-performing on

certain aspects of quality. For example, one study showed that 25% of

hospitals cared for 90% of black Medicare patients in the United States

and that these hospitals tended to have lower performance scores on

certain quality measures than other hospitals. That said, health systems

generally are not well prepared to measure, report, and intervene to

reduce disparities in care. Few hospitals or health plans stratify their

quality data by race/ethnicity or language to measure disparities,

and even fewer use data of this type to develop disparity-targeted

interventions. Similarly, despite regulations concerning the need for

professional interpreters, research demonstrates that many health care

organizations and providers fail to routinely provide this service for

patients with limited English proficiency. Despite the link between

limited English proficiency and health care quality and safety, few providers or institutions monitor performance for patients in these areas.

Provider-Level Factors • PROVIDER–PATIENT COMMUNICATION

Significant evidence highlights the impact of sociocultural factors,

race, ethnicity, and limited English proficiency on health and clinical

care. Health care professionals frequently care for diverse populations

with varied perspectives, values, beliefs, and behaviors regarding health

and well-being. The differences include variations in the recognition of

symptoms, thresholds for seeking care, comprehension of management

strategies, expectations of care (including preferences for or against

diagnostic and therapeutic procedures), and adherence to preventive

measures and medications. In addition, sociocultural differences

between patient and provider influence communication and clinical

decision-making and are especially pertinent: evidence clearly links

provider–patient communication to improved patient satisfaction,

regimen adherence, and better health outcomes (Fig. 10-8). Thus,

when sociocultural differences between patient and provider are not

appreciated, explored, understood, or communicated effectively during

the medical encounter, patient dissatisfaction, poor adherence, poorer

health outcomes, and racial/ethnic disparities in care may result.

A survey of 6722 Americans ≥18 years of age is particularly relevant

to this important link between provider–patient communication and

health outcomes. Whites, African Americans, Hispanics/Latinos, and

Asian Americans who had made a medical visit in the past 2 years

were asked whether they had trouble understanding their doctors;

whether they felt the doctors did not listen; and whether they had

medical questions they were afraid to ask. The survey found that 19%

of all patients experienced one or more of these problems, yet whites

experienced them 16% of the time as opposed to 23% of the time for

African Americans, 33% for Hispanics/Latinos, and 27% for Asian

Americans (Fig. 10-9).

Biological

Behavioral

Physical/Built

Environment

Sociocultural

Environment

Health Care

System

Health Outcomes Individual Health

Individual Interpersonal

Levels of Influence*

Domains of Influence

(Over the Lifecourse)

Community Societal

Community

Health

Population

Health

Family/

Organizational

Health

Biological Vulnerability

and Mechanisms

Caregiver–Child Interaction

Family Microbiome

Community Illness

Exposure

Herd Immunity

Sanitation

Immunization

Pathogen Exposure

Policies and Laws

Societal Structure

Community Functioning

Community Environment

Community Resources

Community Norms

Local Structural

Discrimination

Social Norms

Societal Structural

Discrimination

Quality of Care

Health Care Policies

Availability of Services

Safety Net Services

Family Functioning

School/Work Functioning

Household Environment

School/Work Environment

Social Networks

Family/Peer Norms

Interpersonal Discrimination

Patient–Clinician Relationship

Medical Decision-Making

Health Behaviors

Coping Strategies

Personal Environment

Sociodemographics

Limited English

Cultural Identity

Response to Discrimination

Insurance Coverage

Health Literacy

Treatment Preferences

FIGURE 10-7 National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities social determinants research framework. *

Health disparity populations: race/ethnicity, low

socioeconomic status, rural, sexual and gender minority. Other fundamental characteristics: sex and gender, disability, geographic region. (From National Institute on

Minority Health and Health Disparities. NIMHD Research Framework. 2017. Retrieved from https://www.nimhd.nih.gov/about/overview/research-framework.html.)

How do we link communication to outcomes?

Communication

Patient satisfaction

Adherence

Health outcomes

FIGURE 10-8 The link between effective communication and patient satisfaction,

adherence, and health outcomes. (Institute of Medicine. 2003. Unequal

Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care. https://doi

.org/10.17226/12875. Adapted and reproduced with permission from the National

Academy of Sciences, Courtesy of the National Academies Press, Washington, D.C.)


 


Diagnosis: Reducing Errors and Improving Quality

57CHAPTER 9

TABLE 9-3 New Models for Conceptualizing Diagnosis and Diagnosis Improvement

TRADITIONAL WAYS OF THINKING ABOUT DIAGNOSIS

AND DIAGNOSTIC ERROR NEW PARADIGMS/BETTER WAYS TO THINK ABOUT DIAGNOSIS AND IMPROVING DIAGNOSIS

Redundancies, double-checks Recognition that single, highly reliable systems are often better than multiple halfway solutions.

Clear delineation of responsibilities for follow-up tasks

Fear of malpractice suits to motivate physicians to be more

careful and practice defensive medicine

Drive out fear, making it safe to learn from and share errors

Shared situational awareness of where pitfalls lurk

More accountability, financial incentives, and penalties tied

to performance metrics

Clinician engagement in improvement based on trust, collaboration, professionalism, financial neutrality

Metric modesty, recognizing many best practices yet to be defined/proven

More rules, requirements; target outliers for better

compliance

Standardization with flexibility; learning from deviations

More time with patients Better time spent with patients: offloading distractions, more efficient history collection/organization,

longitudinal continuity, and, where needed, additional time to talk/think/explain during, before, or after

visits

Easier access for patients to reach or be seen by clinicians when experiencing symptoms

Reflex changes in response to errors Avoiding “tampering,” which entails understanding/diagnosing difference between “special cause”

versus “common cause” (random) variation

Source: Modified from GD Schiff: Quality and Safety in Health Care 2013.

can go wrong and create safety nets to protect patients against harms

from delayed diagnosis and misdiagnosis. Terms such as preliminary

diagnosis, working diagnosis, differential diagnosis, deferred diagnosis,

undiagnosed illness, diagnoses with uncertain or multifactorial etiologies, intermittent diagnoses, multiple/dual diagnoses, self-diagnosis, or at

times contested diagnosis need to be part of our vocabulary, thinking,

and communications with patients to convey that diagnosis is often

imprecise. Anxious patients worried about a condition, for example,

cancer, COVID-19 infection, or a diagnosis to which a relative or a

friend has recently succumbed, come seeking reassurance and may not

welcome an uncertain answer. Thus, we have to work with patients,

listen to and respect their concerns, and take their symptoms seriously

yet modestly acknowledge our limitations. We need to tailor this

approach to patients’ differing levels of health literacy, trust in our

clinical advice, and experiences with the health system.

■ DON’T MISS DIAGNOSES AND RED FLAGS

Uncertainty should not be a license for complacency. Particularly for

diseases that (1) progress rapidly, (2) require specific treatments that

depend on making the correct diagnosis, or (3) have public health

or contagion implications, clinicians need to be poised, and systems

designed, to consider and, where appropriate, pursue critical “don’t

miss” diagnoses. While clinicians are generally aware of more common “don’t miss” diagnoses (e.g., acute myocardial infarction, sepsis),

Table 9-4 illustrates examples of less common diagnoses that warrant

similar consideration. Throughout this textbook, readers should orient

themselves to recognize such critical diagnoses and think about presentations and syndromes where they may be lurking.

An important related concept is so-called “red flags” or “alarm

symptoms.” This construct has its origins in guidelines for back pain

but has increasingly been applied to many other problems, such as

headache, red eye, swollen joint, or even abdominal pain and chest

pain. Examples of widely cited red flags for back pain that should

trigger consideration of more serious etiologies include fever, weight

loss, history of malignancy or intravenous drug use, or neurologic

signs and symptoms. In theory, many presenting syndromes could

benefit from identification of such clues to more serious diagnoses.

Evidence-based medicine calls for better data on the sensitivity, specificity, yield, and discriminatory ability of various clinical “red flag”

clues; yet, few have been rigorously evaluated. Nonetheless, clinicians

find them useful as simple ways to reassure themselves and their

patients that a common symptom such as back pain or headache is, or

is not, likely an indicator of more urgent or serious pathology.

Interwoven with the challenges of not missing critical diagnoses is

the problem of overtesting and overdiagnosis—performing unnecessary and even potentially harmful tests whose benefit does not justify

the risks or costs or that may lead to diagnoses that would have never

caused any symptoms or problems. Thoughtful diagnosticians need to

weigh carefully this “other side of the coin” of missed diagnosis to avoid

such harms and expenses.

■ DIAGNOSTIC PITFALLS

One of the important ways of learning in medicine is learning from the

missteps of those who have walked the path ahead of us. By learning

about commonly missed diagnoses and the ways accurate, timely diagnosis went astray, we can avoid making similar mistakes. Anticipating

the potential for similar types of errors can both create situational

awareness of traps to avoid and contribute to learning from our own

personal and collective patterns of mistakes. Several studies have

examined common or recurring pitfalls in diagnosis. An example of a

common disease-specific diagnostic pitfall in breast cancer diagnosis is

ordering a mammogram for a woman with a palpable breast lump and,

when the mammogram returns as normal, reassuring her that cancer

has been “ruled out” by the negative test. Any mass or lesion palpable

(Continued)

TABLE 9-4 Examples of “Don’t Miss” Diagnoses

INFECTIONS/

INFLAMMATION

CARDIAC/ISCHEMIC/

BLEEDING

METABOLIC/

HEMATOLOGIC/

ENVIRONMENTAL

Spinal epidural abscess Aortic dissection

Leaking/ruptured

abdominal aortic

aneurysm

Diabetes ketoacidosis

Hyperosmolar

hyperglycemia

Necrotizing fasciitis Pericardial tamponade Myxedema/

thyrotoxicosis

Meningitis Wolff-Parkinson-White

Prolonged QT

Addison’s disease

Endocarditis Pulmonary embolism B12 deficiency anemia

Peritonsillar abscess Tension pneumothorax von Willebrand’s disease

Tuberculosis-active

pulmonary, other

Acute mesenteric

ischemia

Sigmoid volvulus

Hemochromatosis

COVID-19 infection Esophageal, bowel

perforation

Celiac sprue

Guillain-Barré syndrome Cerebellar hemorrhage Carbon monoxide

poisoning

Ebola infection Spinal cord compression Food poisoning

Temporal arteritis Testicular, ovarian torsion Malignant hyperthermia

Rhabdomyolysis Ectopic pregnancy Alcohol, benzodiazepine,

barbiturate withdrawal

Angioedema Retroperitoneal

hemorrhage

Tumor lysis syndrome

Hypo-/hypercalcemia


58PART 1 The Profession of Medicine

on physical examination probably needs more careful assessment proceeding all the way to invasive biopsy, if necessary. Diagnostic pitfalls

can be classified into a number of generic scenarios (Table 9-5). We

now have large databases that have the potential to track “diagnoses

outcomes”—i.e., whether a new diagnosis emerges that suggests an

initial diagnosis was incorrect or a diagnosis of a patient’s symptoms

was suboptimally delayed. This should, in the future, allow us to more

rigorously focus on these cases, to identify contributing factors and

recurring patterns, and to help point the way for systemwide improvement strategies.

■ DIAGNOSIS SAFETY CULTURE

Just as diagnosing bacterial infections relies on a proper culture

medium to grow and identify etiologic organisms, good diagnosis also

requires a healthy safety culture that will allow it to grow and flourish.

While clinicians may be inclined to view “safety culture” as something

too subjective to be important in their quest to make a definitive

diagnosis, this view is misguided. Multiple studies have demonstrated

adverse consequences resulting from organizational cultures that

inhibit openness, learning, and sharing and create a climate where staff

and patients are afraid to speak up when they observe problems or have

questions. Most importantly, patients need to be encouraged to question diagnoses and be heard, particularly when they are not responding

to treatment as expected or developing symptoms that are either not

consistent with the diagnosis or represent possible red flags for other

diagnoses or complications.

Studies examining “high-reliability organizations” outside of medicine and “learning health care organizations” have distilled a series

of fundamental properties that are correlated with more reliable

and safer outcomes. Just as a thermometer or recording of a pulse

can suggest how ill a patient is, we now have instruments that can

measure safety culture. These safety measurement tools typically are

validated staff surveys that assess (1) communication about errors

with staff willingness to report mistakes because they do not feel these

mistakes are held against them; (2) openness and encouragement to

talk about hospital/office problems; (3) existence of a learning culture

that seeks to learn from errors and improve based on lessons learned;

(4) leadership commitment to safety, prioritizing safety over production speed and the “bottom line” by providing adequate staffing and

resources to operate safely; and (5) accountability and transparency for

following up safety events and concerns. Each of these generic culture

attributes translates into specific implications for diagnostic safety.

These include the following:

• Making it “safe” for clinicians to admit and share diagnostic errors

• Proactive identification, ownership, and accountability regarding

error-prone diagnostic workflow processes (particularly around test

results, referrals, and patient follow-up)

• Leadership making diagnosis improvement a top priority based on

recognition that patients and malpractice insurers report that diagnostic errors are the leading patient safety problem

• Mutual trust and respect for challenges that clinicians often face in

making diagnoses and caution in applying the lens of hindsight bias

in judging what in retrospect might seem like an “obvious” diagnosis

that a clinician initially missed

■ HEALTH INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AND THE

FUTURE OF DIAGNOSIS

Clinicians now spend more time interacting with computers than they

do interacting with patients. This is especially true for diagnosis and

will likely be even more so in the future. Interactions with patients,

consultants, and other staff are increasingly mediated through the

computer. Key activities, such as collecting patients’ history (past and

current), interpreting data to make a diagnosis, conveying diagnostic

assessments (to others on the team and, increasingly, to the patient via

open notes), and tracking diagnostic trajectories as they evolve over

time, are now computer based. With the rise of telemedicine, even

elements of the physical examination have been rerouted to electronic

encounters.

While many complain the computer has “gotten in the way” of good

diagnosis, distracting clinicians from quality time listening to patients

and miring doctors in reading and writing notes filled with copied/

pasted/templated information of questionable currency and accuracy,

medicine needs to harness the computer’s capabilities to improve diagnosis (Table 9-6). Although these basic diagnosis-supporting capabilities should be the foundation of the design of health information

technology and everyday workflow, electronic medical records have

historically been largely designed around other needs, such as ordering

medications and billing and malpractice documentation. They need to

be radically redesigned to better support diagnostic processes, as well

as save, rather than squander, clinicians’ time.

■ DIAGNOSIS OF DIAGNOSIS ERRORS AND SAFETY:

PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS

In practice, there are frequent and meaningful opportunities for

improving diagnosis in each of the three NAM-defined areas to make

it a) more reliable, b) timely, and c) to improve diagnosis-related

communication with patients. Clinicians in training, practicing physicians, nurses, and others should develop the habit of regularly asking

TABLE 9-5 Generic Types of Diagnostic Pitfalls

PITFALL EXAMPLES

Disease A mistaken for disease B

Diseases often mistaken/misdiagnosed

with each other

Aortic dissection misdiagnosed as

acute myocardial infarction

Bipolar disorder misdiagnosed as

depression

Misinterpretation of test result(s)

False-positive or false-negative results

with failure to recognize test limitations

Breast lump dismissed after

negative mammogram

Negative COVID-19 test early or late

in course

Failure to recognize atypical

presentation, signs, and symptoms

Apathetic hyperthyroidism

Sepsis in elderly patient who is

afebrile or hypothermic

Failure to assess appropriately the

urgency of diagnosis

Urgency of the clinical situation was

not appreciated and/or delays critical

diagnoses

Compartment syndrome

Pericardial tamponade

Tension pneumothorax

Perils of intermittent symptoms or

misleading evolution

Intermittent symptoms dismissed

due to normal findings (exam, lab,

electrocardiogram) when initially seen

“Lucid interval” in traumatic

epidural hematoma

Paroxysmal arrhythmias

Intermittent hydrocephalus (Bruns’

syndrome)

Confusion arising from response/

masking by empiric treatment

Empiric treatment with steroids,

proton pump inhibitors, antibiotics,

pain medication erroneously

masking serious diagnosis

Chronic disease or comorbidity

presumed to account for new

symptoms

Especially in medically complex

patients

Septic joint signs misattributed to

chronic rheumatoid arthritis

Mental status change due to

infection or medication misattributed

to underlying dementia

Rare diagnosis: failure to consider or

know

Many; fortunately, by definition,

rare, but still warrant consideration

especially if urgent or treatable

Drug or environmental factor not

considered/overlooked

Underlying etiology causing/

contributing to symptoms, or disease

progression not sought, uncovered

Ventricular arrhythmia related to

QT-prolonging drug

Achilles tendon rupture related to

quinolone drugs

Failure to appreciate risk factors for

particular disease

Family history of breast, colorectal

cancer not solicited and/or weighed

in diagnostic evaluation or screening

Failure to appreciate limitations of

physical exam

Now with ↑ telemedicine, missing

physical exam entirely

Overweighing absence of

tenderness, swelling in deep vein

thrombosis

Missing pill-rolling tremor during

telemedicine visit


Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care

59CHAPTER 10

TABLE 9-6 Areas Where Health Information Technology Has Potential

to Help Improve Diagnosis and Reduce Errors

FUNCTION EXAMPLES

Facilitate collection/

gathering of information

Quickly access past history from prior care at

same and outside institutions

Electronic collection of history of present illness,

review of systems, and social determinant risks

in advance of visits

Enhanced information

entry, organization, and

display

Visually enhanced flowsheets showing trends,

relationships to treatment

Reorganized notes to facilitate summarization

and simplification and prevent items from

getting lost

Generating differential

diagnosis

Automated creation of lists of diagnoses

to consider based on patient’s symptoms,

demographics, risks

Weighing diagnoses

likelihoods

Tools to assist in calculation of posttest

(Bayesian) probabilities

Aids for formulating

diagnostic plan, intelligent

test ordering

Entering a diagnostic consideration (e.g., celiac

disease, pheochromocytoma) and computer

suggests most appropriate diagnostic test(s)

and how to order

Access to diagnostic

reference information

Info-buttons instantly linking symptom or

diagnosis relevant questions to Harrison’s,

Up-to-Date chapters, references

Ensuring more reliable

follow-up

Hardwiring “closed loops” to ensure abnormal

labs, missed referrals, worrisome symptoms are

tracked and followed up

Support screening for early

detection

Collaborative tools that patients, clinicians,

and offices can use to know when due, order

and track screening based on individualized

demographics, risk factors, prior tests

Collaborative diagnosis;

access to specialist

Real-time posing/answering of questions

Electronic consults; virtual co-management

Facilitating feedback on

diagnoses

Feeding back new diagnoses (from downstream

providers, patients) that emerge suggesting

potential misdiagnosis/errors to clinicians, ERs

who saw patient previously

Abbreviation: ERs, emergency rooms.

Source: Modified from G Schiff, DW Bates: N Engl J Med 362:1066, 2010, and

R El-Karah et al: BMJ Qual Saf Suppl 2:ii40, 2013.

including the American Board of Internal Medicine (ABIM), the

American College of Physicians (ACP), and the Society of Hospital

Medicine (SHM), committed to increasing awareness and action. Ultimately, collectively tackling the challenges of improving the quality of

diagnosis will transform the way clinicians and patients work together

to co-produce better diagnoses.

■ FURTHER READING

Gandhi TK, Singh H: Reducing the risk of diagnostic error in the

COVID-19 era. J Hosp Med 15:363, 2020.

Graber ML et al: The impact of electronic health records on diagnosis.

Diagnosis (Berl) 4:211, 2017.

National Academiesof Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2015.

Improving Diagnosis in Health Care. https://doi.org/10.17226/21794.

Adapted and reproduced with permission from the National Academy

of Sciences, Courtesy of the National Academies Press, Washington, DC.

Newman-Toker DE et al: Serious misdiagnosis-related harms in

malpractice claims: The “big three”—Vascular events, infections, and

cancers. Diagnosis (Berl) 6:227, 2019.

Schiff GD et al: Diagnosing diagnosis errors: Lessons from a

multi-institutional collaborative project, in Advances in Patient Safety:

From Research to Implementation. Vol 2: Concepts and Methodology.

Rockville, MD, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2005.

Schiff GD et al: Ten principles for more conservative, care-full diagnosis. Ann Intern Med 169:643, 2018.

themselves three questions about individual patients in their care, and

another three questions regarding the systems in which they work. For

each patient being assessed, clinicians should ask:

1. What else might this be? (forcing a differential diagnosis to be made)

2. What doesn’t fit? (making sure unexplained abnormal findings are

not dismissed)

3. What critical diagnoses are important not to miss? (injecting consideration of “don’t miss” diagnoses, red flags, and known pitfalls)

and to diagnose safely, each practitioner must recognize that he or she

is working within a larger system. Questions to be asking continually,

ensuring we are maximizing reliability and timeliness and minimizing

potential for errors, include:

1. Do we have reliable “closed loop” systems to provide reliable, ideally

automated tracking and following up of patients’ symptoms, abnormal

laboratory or imaging findings, and critical referrals that we order?

2. What is the culture-of-safety climate in our organization, office, or

clinic?

3. How does the electronic (or even paper) medical record as currently

implemented help versus impair efficient, timely, accurate, and failsafe diagnosis, and how can it be improved?

To take these questions to the next stage, an international movement dedicated to studying and improving diagnosis has emerged.

These efforts include annual conferences of clinicians, researchers,

and patients; the formation of the Society for Improving Diagnosis in

Medicine (SIDM); and convening of a broad coalition of organizations,

Over the course of its history, the United States has experienced

dramatic improvements in overall health and life expectancy, largely

as a result of initiatives in public health, health promotion, disease

prevention, and chronic care management. Our ability to prevent,

detect, and treat diseases in their early stages has allowed us to target

and reduce rates of morbidity and mortality. Despite interventions that

have improved the overall health of the majority of Americans, racial

and ethnic minorities (blacks, Hispanics/Latinos, Native Americans/

Alaskan Natives, Asian/Pacific Islanders) have benefited less from

these advances than whites and have suffered poorer health outcomes

from many major diseases, including cardiovascular disease, cancer,

and diabetes. These disparities highlight the importance of recognizing and addressing the multiple factors that impact health outcomes,

including structural racism, social determinants of health (SDOH),

access to care, and health care quality. On this last point, research has

revealed that minorities may receive less care and lower-quality care

than whites, even when confounders such as stage of presentation,

comorbidities, and health insurance are controlled. These differences

in quality are called racial and ethnic disparities in health care. These

health care disparities have taken on greater importance with the significant transformation of the U.S. health care system and value-based

purchasing. The shift toward creating financial incentives and disincentives to achieve quality goals makes focusing on those who receive

lower-quality care more important than ever before. This chapter will

provide an overview of racial and ethnic disparities in health and

health care, identify root causes, and provide key recommendations to

address these disparities at both the clinical and health system levels.

■ NATURE AND EXTENT OF DISPARITIES

Life expectancy at birth is an important measure of the health of

a nation’s population. Although the overall life expectancy in the

United States has been increasing since 1900, differences due to

10 Racial and Ethnic

Disparities in Health Care

Lenny López, Joseph R. Betancourt


Popular Posts

Popular Posts

Popular Posts

Popular Posts

Translate

Blog Archive

Blog Archive

Featured Post

  ABSTRACT Doxorubicin (Dox) is a highly potent chemotherapy drug. Despite its efficacy, Dox's clinical application is limited due to it...