During the last years of his life, Plowden's opinion had been greatly

modified. Theodore did not like him; he feared him; and it was only on

account of his friendship for Bell that he did not lay violent hands on him.

Plowden, on one occasion, was told to accompany his Majesty to Magdala;

arrived there, Theodore called for the Head of the mountain, who was at

that time the son of the Galla queen, Workite, and asked him his advice as

to whether he should put Plowden in chains or not. The prince, who had a

great regard for Plowden, told his Majesty that if they watched him with the

eye it was sufficient, and that he would be answerable for his prisoner.

Plowden returned with Theodore some time afterwards to the Amhara

country, but was constantly surrounded by spies. All his actions were

reported to the Emperor, and for a long time, under some pretence or the

other, he was refused leave to return to England. At last, broken in health,

and disappointed, Plowden almost insisted on going. His Majesty granted

his request, but at the same time informed him that the roads were infested

with rebels and thieves, and strongly advised him to await his return. I was

told on good authority that his Majesty only acquiesced in Plowden's

wishes because he believed that it was quite impossible for him to leave.

However, Plowden, trusting in his popularity, and, perhaps, also in his

retinue, started at once on his homeward journey. At a short distance from

Gondar he was attacked and made prisoner by a rebel named Garad, a

cousin of Theodore. It is probable that he would have been let off with a

ransom, but for an unfortunate circumstance. Plowden, sick and tired, was

resting under a tree, and while Garad was speaking to him, put his hand

towards his belt, as his servant told us, to take out his handkerchief; but the

rebel chief, believing that he intended to draw a pistol, immediately

wounded him mortally with the lance he held in his hands. Plowden was

ransomed by the Gondar merchants, but died a few days afterwards, in

March, 1860, from the effects of the wound.

During our stay at Kuarata, at the time we were in high favour, office copies

of Plowden's official letters for the year preceding his death, were brought

to us. How altered his impression, how changed his opinion! He had begun

to see through the fine words of the Emperor; he more than suspected that

before long a hateful tyranny would replace the firm but just rule he had

formerly so greatly admired. I remember well that at Zagé, when our

luggage was returned to us a few hours after the arrest, with what haste and

anxiety Prideaux, in whose charge the manuscript was at the time, opened

his trunk behind his bed, so that the guards should not perceive the

dangerous paper before he had time to destroy it.

If Bell and Plowden had been both living, it may be asked, would Theodore

have dealt with them so as ultimately to call for the intervention of

Government on Abyssinian affairs? I believe so. The King, as I have said,

disliked Plowden personally; he repaid his ransom to the Gondar merchants,

it is true, but it was only a political "dodge" of his; he knew well to whom

he gave the money, and took it back "with interest," a few years later. Often

he has been heard to sneer at the manner in which Plowden was killed, and

say, "The white men are cowards: look at Plowden; he was armed, but he

allowed himself to be killed without even defending himself." This was a

malicious assertion on the part of Theodore, as he was well aware that

Plowden was so sick at the time that he could hardly walk, and that though

he carried a pistol, it was not loaded . Not long before his own death,

Theodore spoke, on several occasions, in very harsh terms of Bell's eldest

daughter, and on some of her friends representing to his Majesty that he

should not forget that she was the daughter of the man who died protecting

him, Theodore quietly replied, "Bell was a fool; he would never carry a

shield!"

A few months after the news of Consul Plowden's death had reached

England, Captain Charles Duncan Cameron was appointed to the vacant

post, but for some reason or other, he reached Massowah only in February,

1862, and Gondar in July of the same year. Captain Cameron had not only

served with distinction during the Kaffir war, and passed alone through

more than 200 miles of the enemy's country, but had also been employed on

the staff of General Williams, and had been for several years in the consular

service. He was, in all respects, well fitted for his post; but, unfortunately

for him, when he entered Abyssinia he had to deal with a fascinating,

vainglorious, shrewd man, hiding his cunning under an appearance of

modesty: in a word, with Theodore who had become an over-bearing

despot. On his first arrival, Cameron was received with great honours, and

treated by the Emperor with marked respect, and when he left in October,

1862, he was loaded with presents, escorted by the Emperor's servants, and

almost acknowledged as a consul. Like so many others—I can say, like

ourselves,—at first he had been so completely taken in by Theodore's

manners that he did not discern the true character of the man he had to deal

with, and but too late found out the worth of his gracious reception and the

flatteries which had been so liberally bestowed upon him.

From Adowa Captain Cameron forwarded Theodore's letter to our Queen

by native messengers, and proceeded to the province of Bogos, where he

deemed his presence necessary. He found out during his stay that Samuel,

the Georgis balderaba [Footnote: An introducer: generally given to

foreigners in the capacity of a spy.] whom Theodore had given him—a

clever, but rather unscrupulous Shoho—was intriguing with the chiefs of

the neighbourhood, tributaries of Turkey, in favour of his imperial master.

Captain Cameron thought it therefore advisable, in order to avoid future

difficulties with the Egyptian Government, to leave Samuel behind with the

Servants he did not require. Samuel was much hurt at not being allowed to

accompany Cameron in his tour through the Soudan, and though he

pretended to be well pleased with the arrangement, he shortly afterwards

wrote a long letter to his master in which he spoke in very unfavourable

terms of Captain Cameron. Arrived at Kassala, Captain Cameron one

evening at a friend's house asked his Abyssinian servants to show the guests

their native war-dance; some refused, others complied, but as it was not

appreciated by the spectators, they were told to leave off. (I mention this

fact as it was made a serious offence by Theodore, and is a sample of the

pretences adopted by him when he desired to vindicate his conduct.)

Arrived at Metemma, Cameron, who was at the time suffering from fever,

wrote to his Majesty to inform him of his arrival, and requesting his

permission to proceed to the missionary station of Djenda; which was

granted.

Mr. Bardel, a Frenchman, had accompanied Cameron on his first voyage to

Abyssinia; they disagreed, and Bardel left Cameron's service to enter the

Emperor's. At the time Theodore sent Cameron with a letter to the Queen of

England, he also entrusted one to Bardel for the Emperor of the French.

During Bardel's absence M. Lejean, the French Consul at Massowah,

arrived in Abyssinia; he was the bearer of credentials to the Emperor

Theodore, and also brought with him a few trifles to be presented to his

Majesty in the name of the Emperor Napoleon. M. Lejean was not allowed

to leave before the arrival of Mr. Bardel; who returned to Gondar in

September, 1863, with an answer from the French Secretary for Foreign

Affairs, whom he described to Theodore as the mouthpiece (afa negus ) of

Napoleon. All the Europeans were summoned from Gondar to witness the

reading of the letter; the King, seated at the window of the palace, had the

letter read, and asked Bardel how he had been received.

"Badly," he replied. "I had an audience with the Emperor, when Mr.

D'Abbadie whispered to him that your Majesty was in the habit of cutting

off hands and feet; on that, without a word more, Napoleon turned his back

upon me."

Theodore then took the letter, and, tearing it to pieces, said:—"Who is that

Napoleon? Are not my ancestors greater than his? If God made him great,

can he not make me also great?" After which his Majesty ordered a safe

conduct to be given to M. Lejean, with orders that he should leave the

country at once.

The Abouna, at that time in favour, afraid above all things of the Roman

Catholics, urged the Emperor to let Lejean depart, lest the French should be

afforded an excuse for taking possession of some part of the country, from

whence their priests would endeavour to propagate their doctrines. But two

days after Lejean's departure, Theodore, who had by that time regretted that

he had let him go, sent to have him arrested on the road and brought back to

Gondar.

In the autumn of 1863 the Europeans in Abyssinia numbered about twentyfive; they were, Cameron and his European servants, the Basle mission, the

Scottish mission, the missionaries of the London Society for the Conversion

of the Jews, and some adventurers.

In 1855 Dr. Krapf, accompanied by Mr. Flad, entered Abyssinia as pioneers

for a mission which Bishop Gobat desired to establish in that country. The

lay missionaries he intended to send were to be workmen, who would

receive a small salary, if necessary, but were supposed to support

themselves by their work: they were also to open schools, and seize every

opportunity to preach the Word of God. Mr. Flad made several journeys

backwards and forwards, and, at the time of the first trouble that befell the

Europeans since the beginning of Theodore's reign, the lay missionaries,

who had been joined by a few adventurers,—the whole of them better

known by natives and Europeans under the name of the "Gaffat people" (on

account of the name of the village they usually resided in), amounted to

eight. Mr. Flad had some time previously abandoned the Basle Mission for

the London Mission for the Conversion of the Jews.

The "Gaffat people" played an important part in all the transactions that,

from 1863, took place between his Abyssinian Majesty and the Europeans

residing in the country. Their position was not an enviable one; they had not

only to please his Majesty, but, in order to keep themselves free from

imprisonment or chains, to forestall his wishes, and to keep his fickle nature

always interested in their work by devising some new toy suited to please

his childish love for novelty. On their first arrival in the country they did

their best to fulfil the instructions of their patron, the Bishop of Jerusalem.

But on Theodore learning that these men were able workmen, he sent for

them one day and told them, "I do not want teachers in my country, but

workmen: will you work for me?" They bowed, and with good grace placed

themselves at his Majesty's disposal. Gaffat, a small hillock about four

miles from Debra Tabor, was assigned to them as a place of residence.

There they built semi-European houses, established workshops, &c.

Knowing that he would have a greater hold upon them, and that they would

have more difficulty in leaving the country, Theodore ordered them to

marry: they all consented. The little colony flourished, and Theodore for a

long time behaved very liberally to them; gave them large sums of money,

grain, honey, butter, and all necessary supplies in great abundance. They

were also presented with silver shields, gold-worked saddles, mules, horses,

&c.; their wives with richly embroidered burnouses, ornaments of gold and

silver; and to enhance their position in the country they were allowed all the

privileges of a Ras.

"His children," as Theodore called them, so far had nothing to complain of;

but the Emperor soon got tired of carriages, pickaxes, doors, and such like;

he was bent on having cannons and mortars cast in his country. He gently

insinuated his desire; but they firmly refused, on the ground that they had

no knowledge of such work. Theodore knew how to make them consent; he

had only to appear displeased, to frown a little, and they awaited in

trembling to have his good pleasure made known to them. Theodore asked

for cannons; they would try. His Majesty smiled; he knew the men he had to

deal with. After the guns, they made mortars; then gunpowder; then brandy;

again more cannons, shells, shots, &c. Some were sent to make roads,

others erected foundries; a large number of intelligent natives were

apprenticed to them, and with their assistance executed some really

remarkable works. I, who happened to witness one day the harsh,

imperative tone he took with them because he felt annoyed at a mere trifle,

can well understand their complete submission to his iron will, and cannot

blame them. They had given in at first, and accepted his bounty; they had

wives and children, and desired to be left in quiet possession of their homes,

and were only anxious to please their hard taskmaster.

Another missionary station had been established at Djenda. These

gentlemen, most of them scripture-readers, not conversant with any trade,

and striving but for one object,—the conversion of the Falashas, or native

Jews,—declined to work for Theodore. The Emperor could not understand

their refusal. According to his notions every European could work in some

way or the other. He attributed their refusal to ill-will towards him, and only

awaited a suitable opportunity to visit them with his displeasure. They and

the Gaffat people were not in accord; though, for appearance' sake, a kind

of brotherhood was kept up between the rival stations.

The Djenda Mission consisted of two missionaries, of the Scottish Society:

a man named Cornelius, [Footnote: He died at Gaffat in the beginning of

1865.] brought to Abyssinia by Mr. Stern, on his first trip; of Mr. and Mrs.

Flad, and of Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal, who had accompanied Mr. Stern on

his second journey to Abyssinia. The Rev. Henry Stern is really a martyr to

his faith. A fine type of the brave self-denying missionary, he had already

exposed his life in Arabia, where he had, with the recklessness of

conviction, undertaken a dangerous, almost impossible, journey, in order to

bring the "good tidings" to his oppressed brethren the Jews of Yemen and

Sanaa. He had just escaped almost by a miracle from the hands of the

bigoted Arabs, when he undertook a first voyage to Abyssinia, in order to

establish a mission in that country, where thousands of Jews were living.

Mr. Stern arrived in Abyssinia in 1860, was well received and kindly

treated by his Majesty. On his return to Europe he published a valuable

account of his tour, under the title of Wanderings amongst the Falashas of

Abyssinia . In that book Mr. Stern gives a very favourable account of

Theodore; but, as becomes a true historian, gave some details of the

Emperor's family, which were, to a certain extent, the cause of many of the

sufferings he had afterwards to undergo. About that time several articles

appeared in one of the Egyptian newspapers, purporting to have issued from

the pen of Mr. Stern, and reflecting rather severely on the marriage of the

Gaffat people. Mr. Stern has always denied having been the author of these

articles; and though I, and every one else who knows Mr. Stern, will place

unlimited confidence in his word, still the Gaffat people would not accept

his denial: to the very last they believed him to have written the obnoxious

articles, and harboured bitter feelings against him, in consequence.

Mr. Stern undertook a second journey to Abyssinia in the autumn of 1862,

accompanied this time by Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal. He and his party reached

Djenda in April, 1863.

As soon as the Gaffat people heard of the arrival of Mr. Stern at Massowah,

they went in a body to the Emperor and begged him not to allow Mr. Stern

to enter Abyssinia. His Majesty gave an evasive answer, but did not comply

with the request; on the contrary, he seems to have rejoiced at the idea of an

enmity existing between the Europeans in his country, and chuckled at the

prospect of the advantages he might reap from their jealousy and rivalry.

Mr. Stern soon perceived the great change that had already taken place in

the deportment of Theodore, and saw but too plainly, during his several

missionary tours, abundant proofs of the cruelty of the man he had so

shortly before admired and praised. The Abouna (Abyssinian bishop) at the

time in frequent collision with the Emperor, spoke but too openly of the

many vices of the ruling sovereign, and as he had always been friendly

disposed towards Mr. Stern, this gentleman frequently visited him, even

made some short stays in his house. This friendship was construed by the

Emperor as implying an understanding between the bishop and the English

priest unfavourable to himself, and with a view to the cession of the church

lands for a certain sum of money, which was to be placed in Egypt at the

Abouna's disposal.

To sum up, this was the state of the different parties when the storm at last

burst on the head of the unfortunate Mr. Stern:—Bell and Plowden, the only

Europeans who might have had some influence for good over the mind of

the Emperor, were dead. The Gaffat people worked for the King, were

frequently near his person, and entertained anything but friendly feelings

towards Mr. Stern and the Djenda Mission. While Captain Cameron and his

party were watched in Gondar, and in no way mixed up with the differences

that unfortunately divided the other Europeans.

CHAPTER III.

Imprisonment of Mr. Stern—Mr. Kerans arrives with Letters and

Carpet—Cameron, with his Followers, is put in Chains—Mr.

Bardel's Return from the Soudan—Theodore's Dealings with

Foreigners—The Coptic Patriarch—Abdul Rahman Bey—The Captivity

of the Europeans explained.

Such was the state of affairs when Mr. Stern obtained leave to return to the

coast. Unfortunately it was impossible for him to avail himself at once of

this permission. On Mr. Stern at last taking his departure he had to remain

at Gondar a few days, and, but too late, thought of presenting his respects to

his Majesty. He also accepted during his short stay there the hospitality of

the bishop. On the 13th October Mr. Stern, accompanied for a short distance

by Consul Cameron and Mr. Bardel, started on his homeward journey. On

arriving on the Waggera Plain he perceived the King's tent. What followed

is well known: how that unfortunate gentleman was almost beaten, to death;

and from that hour, almost without remission, loaded with chains, tortured,

and dragged from prison to prison, until the day of his deliverance from

Magdala by the British army.

When speaking of Theodore's treatment of foreigners, I will endeavour to

explain the real cause of the misfortunes that befell Mr. Stern. That he was

only the victim of circumstances, is a fact beyond any doubt. The extracts

from his book and the notes from his diary, brought as charges against him,

were only discovered several weeks after many cruelties had been inflicted

upon him. But I believe that many small, apparently trifling, incidents

combined to make him the first European victim of the Abyssinian

monarch. The Emperor could not endure the thought that Europeans in his

country should do aught else but work for him. On his first interview with

Mr. Stern, after this gentleman's return to Abyssinia, Theodore, on being

informed as to the motives of Mr. Stern's journey, said, in an angry mood, "I

have enough of your Bibles." Theodore also believed that by ill-using Mr.

Stern he would please his "Gaffat children," therefore, immediately after

Mr. Stern's imprisonment, he wrote to them saying, "I have chained your

enemy and mine."

That the crisis was at last brought on by malicious representations to his

Majesty of trifling incidents, was proved to us quite accidentally on our way

down. At Antalo I had a few friends at dinner, amongst them Mr. Stern,

when, in the evening, Peter Beru, an Abyssinian who had received his

education at Malta and had been one of the interpreters of Mr. Stern's book

at the famous public trial at Gondar, came into the tent, and, being a little

excited, told Mr. Stern that three things had called down upon him the

King's displeasure: first, the enmity of the Gaffat people against him;

secondly, his (Mr. Stern's) intimacy with the Abouna; thirdly, his not having

called upon his Majesty during his last stay at Gondar.

On the 22nd of November Mr. Laurence Kerans arrived at Gondar. He came

for the purpose of joining Captain Cameron in the capacity of private

secretary. He brought with him some letters for Captain Cameron; amongst

them one from Earl Russell ordering the consul back to his post at

Massowah. Of all the captives none deserves greater sympathy than poor

Kerans. Quite a youth when he entered Abyssinia, he suffered four years of

imprisonment in chains, for no reason whatever except that he arrived at an

inauspicious time. It is true that, according to his wonted habit, his Majesty

charged him with having intended to insult him by offering him a carpet

representing Gerard the lion-killer. Gerard, in his Zouave costume,

Theodore said, represented the Turks, the lion was himself, upon whom the

infidel was firing, the attendant a Frenchman; but he added, "I do not see

the Englishman who ought to be by my side." Poor Kerans remained only a

few weeks in semi-liberty at Gondar; he had presented on his own account a

rifle to his Majesty (the carpet was supposed to have been sent by Captain

Speedy, who had previously been in Abyssinia); and every morning

Samuel, who was the balderaba of the Europeans, would present himself,

with supposed compliments from his Majesty, adding, "The Emperor

desires to know what you would like?" Kerans answered, "A horse, a

shield, and a lance." The next morning Samuel would ask, from his

Majesty, what kind of horse he preferred, and so on, until at last the poor

lad, who was obliged every day to bow to the ground in thankfulness for the

supposed gift, began to suspect that all was not right.

Consul Cameron, a few days after the arrival of Kerans, was called to the

King's camp and told to remain there until further orders. He was already so

far a prisoner that he was not allowed to return to Gondar, when, on the plea

of bad health, he applied for permission to do so. Cameron waited until the

beginning of January, daily expecting a letter for the Emperor, but at last, as

none came, he considered himself bound to obey his instructions, and

accordingly, informed his Majesty that he had received orders from his

Government to return to Massowah, and begged that he might be allowed to

leave in a few days.

The next morning, 4th January, Cameron, his European servants, the

missionaries from Gondar, and Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal (both since

some time already in chains), were all sent for by his Majesty. They were

ushered into a tent close to the Emperor's inclosure, with two loaded

twelve-pounders placed in front of it and pointed in that direction. The

place was crowded with soldiers; everything was so arranged as to make

resistance impossible. Shortly after Cameron's arrival Theodore sent several

messages, asking, "Where is the answer to the letter I gave you? Why did

you go to my enemies the Turks? Are you a consul?" At last the messages

ceased with this last one: "I will keep you a prisoner until I get an answer,

and see if you are a consul or not." On that Cameron was very rudely

handled by the soldiers; he was knocked down, his beard torn off, and

heavy fetters hammered on him. The captives were all placed in a tent near

the Emperor's inclosure; for a time they were well supplied with rations,

and, apart from the fetters, not otherwise ill used.

On the 3rd of February Mr. Bardel returned from a mission the Emperor

had intrusted to him, viz., to spy the land, and report about the doings of an

Egyptian general, who, at the head of a considerable force, had been for

some time staying at Metemma, the nearest post to Abyssinia on the northwest frontier. The following day the Gaffat people were called by the

Emperor to consult about the liberation of the European captives. On their

recommendation, two missionaries of the Scottish society, two German

hunters, Mr. Flad and Cornelius, were freed from their fetters, and allowed

to remain at Gaffat with the workmen. The head of the Gaffat people then

told Captain Cameron that he would request Theodore to release the whole

of them and allow them to depart, if Captain Cameron would give a written

document to the effect that no steps would be taken by England to avenge

the insult inflicted upon her in the person of her representative. Cameron,

not considering himself justified in taking upon himself such a

responsibility, declined. A few days afterwards Mr. Bardel having offended

his Majesty, or rather being of no more use to him, was sent to join those

whom he had been greatly instrumental in depriving of their liberty.

The Rev. Mr. Stern has ably described the painful captivity which he and

his fellow-sufferers experienced up to their first release on the arrival of our

mission in the beginning of 1865; how they were dragged from Gondar to

Azazo; the horrid torture inflicted upon them on the 12th of May: their long

march in chains from Azazo to Magdala; their confinement in chains on

that amba in the common jail; and the horrid tale of sufferings and misery

they had for so many months to endure. Suffice it to say, that on the date of

Captain Cameron's note—14th of February, 1864—which gave the first

intimation of their imprisonment, the captives, eight altogether, were

Captain Cameron and his followers (Kerans, Bavdel, McKilvie, Makerer,

and Pietro), Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal.