In the autumn of 1863 the Europeans in Abyssinia numbered about twentyfive; they were, Cameron and his European servants, the Basle mission, the

Scottish mission, the missionaries of the London Society for the Conversion

of the Jews, and some adventurers.

In 1855 Dr. Krapf, accompanied by Mr. Flad, entered Abyssinia as pioneers

for a mission which Bishop Gobat desired to establish in that country. The

lay missionaries he intended to send were to be workmen, who would

receive a small salary, if necessary, but were supposed to support

themselves by their work: they were also to open schools, and seize every

opportunity to preach the Word of God. Mr. Flad made several journeys

backwards and forwards, and, at the time of the first trouble that befell the

Europeans since the beginning of Theodore's reign, the lay missionaries,

who had been joined by a few adventurers,—the whole of them better

known by natives and Europeans under the name of the "Gaffat people" (on

account of the name of the village they usually resided in), amounted to

eight. Mr. Flad had some time previously abandoned the Basle Mission for

the London Mission for the Conversion of the Jews.

The "Gaffat people" played an important part in all the transactions that,

from 1863, took place between his Abyssinian Majesty and the Europeans

residing in the country. Their position was not an enviable one; they had not

only to please his Majesty, but, in order to keep themselves free from

imprisonment or chains, to forestall his wishes, and to keep his fickle nature

always interested in their work by devising some new toy suited to please

his childish love for novelty. On their first arrival in the country they did

their best to fulfil the instructions of their patron, the Bishop of Jerusalem.

But on Theodore learning that these men were able workmen, he sent for

them one day and told them, "I do not want teachers in my country, but

workmen: will you work for me?" They bowed, and with good grace placed

themselves at his Majesty's disposal. Gaffat, a small hillock about four

miles from Debra Tabor, was assigned to them as a place of residence.

There they built semi-European houses, established workshops, &c.

Knowing that he would have a greater hold upon them, and that they would

have more difficulty in leaving the country, Theodore ordered them to

marry: they all consented. The little colony flourished, and Theodore for a

long time behaved very liberally to them; gave them large sums of money,

grain, honey, butter, and all necessary supplies in great abundance. They

were also presented with silver shields, gold-worked saddles, mules, horses,

&c.; their wives with richly embroidered burnouses, ornaments of gold and

silver; and to enhance their position in the country they were allowed all the

privileges of a Ras.

"His children," as Theodore called them, so far had nothing to complain of;

but the Emperor soon got tired of carriages, pickaxes, doors, and such like;

he was bent on having cannons and mortars cast in his country. He gently

insinuated his desire; but they firmly refused, on the ground that they had

no knowledge of such work. Theodore knew how to make them consent; he

had only to appear displeased, to frown a little, and they awaited in

trembling to have his good pleasure made known to them. Theodore asked

for cannons; they would try. His Majesty smiled; he knew the men he had to

deal with. After the guns, they made mortars; then gunpowder; then brandy;

again more cannons, shells, shots, &c. Some were sent to make roads,

others erected foundries; a large number of intelligent natives were

apprenticed to them, and with their assistance executed some really

remarkable works. I, who happened to witness one day the harsh,

imperative tone he took with them because he felt annoyed at a mere trifle,

can well understand their complete submission to his iron will, and cannot

blame them. They had given in at first, and accepted his bounty; they had

wives and children, and desired to be left in quiet possession of their homes,

and were only anxious to please their hard taskmaster.

Another missionary station had been established at Djenda. These

gentlemen, most of them scripture-readers, not conversant with any trade,

and striving but for one object,—the conversion of the Falashas, or native

Jews,—declined to work for Theodore. The Emperor could not understand

their refusal. According to his notions every European could work in some

way or the other. He attributed their refusal to ill-will towards him, and only

awaited a suitable opportunity to visit them with his displeasure. They and

the Gaffat people were not in accord; though, for appearance' sake, a kind

of brotherhood was kept up between the rival stations.

The Djenda Mission consisted of two missionaries, of the Scottish Society:

a man named Cornelius, [Footnote: He died at Gaffat in the beginning of

1865.] brought to Abyssinia by Mr. Stern, on his first trip; of Mr. and Mrs.

Flad, and of Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal, who had accompanied Mr. Stern on

his second journey to Abyssinia. The Rev. Henry Stern is really a martyr to

his faith. A fine type of the brave self-denying missionary, he had already

exposed his life in Arabia, where he had, with the recklessness of

conviction, undertaken a dangerous, almost impossible, journey, in order to

bring the "good tidings" to his oppressed brethren the Jews of Yemen and

Sanaa. He had just escaped almost by a miracle from the hands of the

bigoted Arabs, when he undertook a first voyage to Abyssinia, in order to

establish a mission in that country, where thousands of Jews were living.

Mr. Stern arrived in Abyssinia in 1860, was well received and kindly

treated by his Majesty. On his return to Europe he published a valuable

account of his tour, under the title of Wanderings amongst the Falashas of

Abyssinia . In that book Mr. Stern gives a very favourable account of

Theodore; but, as becomes a true historian, gave some details of the

Emperor's family, which were, to a certain extent, the cause of many of the

sufferings he had afterwards to undergo. About that time several articles

appeared in one of the Egyptian newspapers, purporting to have issued from

the pen of Mr. Stern, and reflecting rather severely on the marriage of the

Gaffat people. Mr. Stern has always denied having been the author of these

articles; and though I, and every one else who knows Mr. Stern, will place

unlimited confidence in his word, still the Gaffat people would not accept

his denial: to the very last they believed him to have written the obnoxious

articles, and harboured bitter feelings against him, in consequence.

Mr. Stern undertook a second journey to Abyssinia in the autumn of 1862,

accompanied this time by Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal. He and his party reached

Djenda in April, 1863.

As soon as the Gaffat people heard of the arrival of Mr. Stern at Massowah,

they went in a body to the Emperor and begged him not to allow Mr. Stern

to enter Abyssinia. His Majesty gave an evasive answer, but did not comply

with the request; on the contrary, he seems to have rejoiced at the idea of an

enmity existing between the Europeans in his country, and chuckled at the

prospect of the advantages he might reap from their jealousy and rivalry.

Mr. Stern soon perceived the great change that had already taken place in

the deportment of Theodore, and saw but too plainly, during his several

missionary tours, abundant proofs of the cruelty of the man he had so

shortly before admired and praised. The Abouna (Abyssinian bishop) at the

time in frequent collision with the Emperor, spoke but too openly of the

many vices of the ruling sovereign, and as he had always been friendly

disposed towards Mr. Stern, this gentleman frequently visited him, even

made some short stays in his house. This friendship was construed by the

Emperor as implying an understanding between the bishop and the English

priest unfavourable to himself, and with a view to the cession of the church

lands for a certain sum of money, which was to be placed in Egypt at the

Abouna's disposal.

To sum up, this was the state of the different parties when the storm at last

burst on the head of the unfortunate Mr. Stern:—Bell and Plowden, the only

Europeans who might have had some influence for good over the mind of

the Emperor, were dead. The Gaffat people worked for the King, were

frequently near his person, and entertained anything but friendly feelings

towards Mr. Stern and the Djenda Mission. While Captain Cameron and his

party were watched in Gondar, and in no way mixed up with the differences

that unfortunately divided the other Europeans.

CHAPTER III.

Imprisonment of Mr. Stern—Mr. Kerans arrives with Letters and

Carpet—Cameron, with his Followers, is put in Chains—Mr.

Bardel's Return from the Soudan—Theodore's Dealings with

Foreigners—The Coptic Patriarch—Abdul Rahman Bey—The Captivity

of the Europeans explained.

Such was the state of affairs when Mr. Stern obtained leave to return to the

coast. Unfortunately it was impossible for him to avail himself at once of

this permission. On Mr. Stern at last taking his departure he had to remain

at Gondar a few days, and, but too late, thought of presenting his respects to

his Majesty. He also accepted during his short stay there the hospitality of

the bishop. On the 13th October Mr. Stern, accompanied for a short distance

by Consul Cameron and Mr. Bardel, started on his homeward journey. On

arriving on the Waggera Plain he perceived the King's tent. What followed

is well known: how that unfortunate gentleman was almost beaten, to death;

and from that hour, almost without remission, loaded with chains, tortured,

and dragged from prison to prison, until the day of his deliverance from

Magdala by the British army.

When speaking of Theodore's treatment of foreigners, I will endeavour to

explain the real cause of the misfortunes that befell Mr. Stern. That he was

only the victim of circumstances, is a fact beyond any doubt. The extracts

from his book and the notes from his diary, brought as charges against him,

were only discovered several weeks after many cruelties had been inflicted

upon him. But I believe that many small, apparently trifling, incidents

combined to make him the first European victim of the Abyssinian

monarch. The Emperor could not endure the thought that Europeans in his

country should do aught else but work for him. On his first interview with

Mr. Stern, after this gentleman's return to Abyssinia, Theodore, on being

informed as to the motives of Mr. Stern's journey, said, in an angry mood, "I

have enough of your Bibles." Theodore also believed that by ill-using Mr.

Stern he would please his "Gaffat children," therefore, immediately after

Mr. Stern's imprisonment, he wrote to them saying, "I have chained your

enemy and mine."

That the crisis was at last brought on by malicious representations to his

Majesty of trifling incidents, was proved to us quite accidentally on our way

down. At Antalo I had a few friends at dinner, amongst them Mr. Stern,

when, in the evening, Peter Beru, an Abyssinian who had received his

education at Malta and had been one of the interpreters of Mr. Stern's book

at the famous public trial at Gondar, came into the tent, and, being a little

excited, told Mr. Stern that three things had called down upon him the

King's displeasure: first, the enmity of the Gaffat people against him;

secondly, his (Mr. Stern's) intimacy with the Abouna; thirdly, his not having

called upon his Majesty during his last stay at Gondar.

On the 22nd of November Mr. Laurence Kerans arrived at Gondar. He came

for the purpose of joining Captain Cameron in the capacity of private

secretary. He brought with him some letters for Captain Cameron; amongst

them one from Earl Russell ordering the consul back to his post at

Massowah. Of all the captives none deserves greater sympathy than poor

Kerans. Quite a youth when he entered Abyssinia, he suffered four years of

imprisonment in chains, for no reason whatever except that he arrived at an

inauspicious time. It is true that, according to his wonted habit, his Majesty

charged him with having intended to insult him by offering him a carpet

representing Gerard the lion-killer. Gerard, in his Zouave costume,

Theodore said, represented the Turks, the lion was himself, upon whom the

infidel was firing, the attendant a Frenchman; but he added, "I do not see

the Englishman who ought to be by my side." Poor Kerans remained only a

few weeks in semi-liberty at Gondar; he had presented on his own account a

rifle to his Majesty (the carpet was supposed to have been sent by Captain

Speedy, who had previously been in Abyssinia); and every morning

Samuel, who was the balderaba of the Europeans, would present himself,

with supposed compliments from his Majesty, adding, "The Emperor

desires to know what you would like?" Kerans answered, "A horse, a

shield, and a lance." The next morning Samuel would ask, from his

Majesty, what kind of horse he preferred, and so on, until at last the poor

lad, who was obliged every day to bow to the ground in thankfulness for the

supposed gift, began to suspect that all was not right.

Consul Cameron, a few days after the arrival of Kerans, was called to the

King's camp and told to remain there until further orders. He was already so

far a prisoner that he was not allowed to return to Gondar, when, on the plea

of bad health, he applied for permission to do so. Cameron waited until the

beginning of January, daily expecting a letter for the Emperor, but at last, as

none came, he considered himself bound to obey his instructions, and

accordingly, informed his Majesty that he had received orders from his

Government to return to Massowah, and begged that he might be allowed to

leave in a few days.

The next morning, 4th January, Cameron, his European servants, the

missionaries from Gondar, and Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal (both since

some time already in chains), were all sent for by his Majesty. They were

ushered into a tent close to the Emperor's inclosure, with two loaded

twelve-pounders placed in front of it and pointed in that direction. The

place was crowded with soldiers; everything was so arranged as to make

resistance impossible. Shortly after Cameron's arrival Theodore sent several

messages, asking, "Where is the answer to the letter I gave you? Why did

you go to my enemies the Turks? Are you a consul?" At last the messages

ceased with this last one: "I will keep you a prisoner until I get an answer,

and see if you are a consul or not." On that Cameron was very rudely

handled by the soldiers; he was knocked down, his beard torn off, and

heavy fetters hammered on him. The captives were all placed in a tent near

the Emperor's inclosure; for a time they were well supplied with rations,

and, apart from the fetters, not otherwise ill used.

On the 3rd of February Mr. Bardel returned from a mission the Emperor

had intrusted to him, viz., to spy the land, and report about the doings of an

Egyptian general, who, at the head of a considerable force, had been for

some time staying at Metemma, the nearest post to Abyssinia on the northwest frontier. The following day the Gaffat people were called by the

Emperor to consult about the liberation of the European captives. On their

recommendation, two missionaries of the Scottish society, two German

hunters, Mr. Flad and Cornelius, were freed from their fetters, and allowed

to remain at Gaffat with the workmen. The head of the Gaffat people then

told Captain Cameron that he would request Theodore to release the whole

of them and allow them to depart, if Captain Cameron would give a written

document to the effect that no steps would be taken by England to avenge

the insult inflicted upon her in the person of her representative. Cameron,

not considering himself justified in taking upon himself such a

responsibility, declined. A few days afterwards Mr. Bardel having offended

his Majesty, or rather being of no more use to him, was sent to join those

whom he had been greatly instrumental in depriving of their liberty.

The Rev. Mr. Stern has ably described the painful captivity which he and

his fellow-sufferers experienced up to their first release on the arrival of our

mission in the beginning of 1865; how they were dragged from Gondar to

Azazo; the horrid torture inflicted upon them on the 12th of May: their long

march in chains from Azazo to Magdala; their confinement in chains on

that amba in the common jail; and the horrid tale of sufferings and misery

they had for so many months to endure. Suffice it to say, that on the date of

Captain Cameron's note—14th of February, 1864—which gave the first

intimation of their imprisonment, the captives, eight altogether, were

Captain Cameron and his followers (Kerans, Bavdel, McKilvie, Makerer,

and Pietro), Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal.

Much of what I have said, and a great deal of what I have still to narrate,

would appear unintelligible if I were not to describe the conduct Theodore

had adopted towards foreigners. It is plain, from facts that I will now

adduce, that Theodore had for several years systematically insulted them.

He did so partly to dazzle the people with his power, and partly because he

believed that complete impunity would always attend his grossest misdeeds.

In December, 1856, David, the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria, arrived in

Abyssinia, bearer of certain presents for Theodore, and the expression of

the good-will of the Pasha of Egypt. The fame of Theodore had spread far

and wide in the Soudan; and probably the Egyptian authorities, in order to

save that province from being plundered, or unwilling to engage at the time

in an expensive war with their powerful neighbour, adopted that expedient

as the best suited to appease the ire of their former foe. As usual, Theodore

found an excuse for the ill treatment he inflicted upon the aged Patriarch, on

the ground that a diamond cross presented to him was only intended as an

insult: it meant, he said, that they considered him as a vassal; and on the

Patriarch proposing that he should send a letter to the Pasha, accompanied

with suitable presents, and that the Pasha would in return send him fire-

arms, cannons, and officers to drill his troops, his Majesty exclaimed, "I

see, they now desire me to declare myself their tributary."

Most probably Theodore, always jealous of the power of the Church, took

advantage of the presence of its highest dignitary to show to his army whom

they had to fear and obey. On the pretexts above mentioned he caused one

day a hedge to be built around the Patriarch's residence, and for several

days the eldest son of the Coptic Church kept his father in close

confinement. Theodore had some time previously been excommunicated by

the Bishop; he therefore enjoyed very much the disreputable quarrel which

took place on that matter, as he induced the Patriarch, through fear, to take

off the excommunication of his inferior. After a while, however, Theodore

apologized, and allowed the terrified old man to depart. The Patriarch on

his return told his tale, but the fame for justice and wisdom of the would-be

descendant of Solomon was so great that, far from being credited, the

Turkish Government, who attributed the failure of the negotiation to the

unfitness of their agent, soon after despatched a mission on a larger scale,

together with numerous and costly presents, under the orders of an

experienced and trusty officer, Abdul Rahman Bey.

The Egyptian envoy reached Dembea in March, 1859. At first Theodore,

gratified at receiving such beautiful gifts, treated the ambassador with all

courtesy and distinction; but on account of the unsafe condition of the

country at the time, he took his guest with him, and considering Magdala a

proper and suitable place of residence, left him there. He soon ignored him

entirely, and the unfortunate man had to remain nearly two years, a semiprisoner, on that amba. At last, on the reception of several strongly worded

and threatening letters from the Egyptian Government, he allowed him to

depart, but caused him to be plundered of all he had near the frontier, by the

Shum of Tschelga. Theodore, after the departure of Abdul Rahman Bey,

wrote to the Egyptian Government, denying any knowledge of the plunder,

and accusing the envoy of serious crimes. Hearing of this, the unfortunate

Bey, fearing that his denials would not stand against the charge brought

against him by the pious Emperor, poisoned himself at Berber.

His third victim was the Nab of Arkiko. He had accompanied the Emperor

to Godjam, when, without reason given, the Emperor cast him into prison

and loaded him with chains. It was only on the representation of several

influential merchants, who, fearing that the Nab's relations would retaliate

on the Abyssinian caravans, impressed upon his Majesty the prudence of

letting him depart, that the Emperor allowed his vassal to return to his

country.

The same day on which he imprisoned the Nab of Arkiko, M. Lejean, a

member of the French diplomatic service, disgusted with Abyssinia and the

many discomforts of camp life, presented himself before the Emperor to

apply for leave to depart. Theodore could not grant the desired interview,

but M. Lejean persisted in his demand, and sent a second time, representing

that, as his Majesty was en route for Godjam, each day would increase the

difficulty of his return. Such presumption could not be tolerated. Theodore

had defied Egypt; he would now defy France. Lejean was seized, and had to

remain in full uniform for twenty-four hours in chains. He was only

released on his making an humble apology, and desisting from his desire to

leave the country. He was sent to Gaffat, and ordered to abide there until the

return of Mr. Bardel.

Theodore scoffed at and imprisoned the Patriarch of Alexandria; the

Egyptian ambassador he kept a semi-prisoner for several years; the Nab he

chained; the French consul he chained, insulted, and kicked out of the

country. Nothing came of all this: on the contrary, in his own camp his

influence was greater. Under these circumstances, any barbarian would

have done and thought exactly as Theodore did. He came to the conviction

that, either through fear of his power or the impossibility of reaching him,

whatever ill treatment he might inflict on strangers, no punishment could

possibly overtake him. That such was his impression is evident from the

gradually increasing brutality of his conduct, always most severe, but never

so outrageous as in the case of the British captives. The savage, barbarous

treatment he inflicted on Messrs. Stern, Cameron, Rosenthal, and their

followers, is without precedent in modern history. Theodore at last took no

trouble to hide his contempt for Europeans and their governments.

He knew in August, 1864, that before a month an answer to his letter to the

Queen had arrived at Massowah. "Let them wait my good pleasure," was

the only observation he made on the subject. It is probable that he would

never have taken any notice of her Majesty's letter or of the mission sent to

him, if his rapid fall—at that time beginning—had not influenced his

conduct. When we arrived at Massowah in July, 1864, Theodore was still

powerful, at the head of a large army, and master of the greater part of the

country. His campaign to Shoa in 1865 was most disastrous. He lost by it,

not only that prosperous kingdom, but a large portion of his army; the

Gallas seizing the occasion to annoy him greatly on his return. He foresaw

his fall, and it probably struck him that the friendship of England might be

useful to him; or should he doubt its possibility, he might seize us as

hostages, in order to make capital out of us; therefore, but with apparent

reluctance, he granted us the long-expected permission to enter his country.

We have now the solution of a part of this difficult problem; we can

understand, to a certain degree, the strange character of this man so

remarkable in many ways. Imbued with a few European notions, he longed

to obtain some of the advantages he had heard of: but how? England and

France would only return his friendship by words—he wanted deeds; sweet

phrases he would not listen to. He soon became convinced that he might

with impunity insult foreigners or envoys from friendly states; and at last it

struck him that, while he insulted and ill used Europeans, he might as well

keep in his hands an important man like a consul, as a hostage.

CHAPTER IV.

News of Cameron's Imprisonment reaches Home—Mr. Rassam is selected

to proceed to the Court of Gondar, and is accompanied by Dr. Blanc—

Delays and Difficulties in Communicating with Theodore—Description of

Massowah and its Inhabitants—Arrival of a Letter from the Emperor.

In the spring of 1864 it was vaguely rumoured that an African potentate had

imprisoned a British consul; the fact appeared so strange, that few credited

the assertion. It was soon ascertained, however, that a certain Emperor of

Abyssinia, calling himself Theodore, had cast into prison and loaded with

chains, Captain Cameron, the consul accredited to his court, and several

missionaries stationed in his dominions. A small pencil note from Captain

Cameron at last reached Mr. Speedy, the acting vice-consul at Massowah,

giving the number and names of the captives, and suggesting that their

release depended entirely on the receipt of a civil letter in answer to the one

the King had forwarded some months before.

There is no doubt that much difficulty presented itself in order to meet the

request expressed by Consul Cameron. Little was known about Abyssinia,

and the conduct of its ruler was so strange, so contrary to all precedents,

that it became a matter of grave consideration how to communicate with the

Abyssinian Emperor without endangering the liberty of others.

In the official correspondence on Abyssinian affairs there is a letter from

Mr. Colquhoun, her Majesty's Agent and Consul-General in Egypt, dated

Cairo, 10th May, 1864, in which that gentleman informs Earl Russell "that

it is difficult to get at Theodore." He was expecting to learn what means the

Bombay Government could place at his disposal, as from Egypt none were

available; he adds, "except from Aden I really can see no measures feasible,

and such could only be of a mild nature, for from the character we have had

of late of the King, he would appear to become subject to fits of rage which

almost deprive him of reason, and would render all approach dangerous ."

On June 16th the Foreign Office selected for the difficult and dangerous

task of Envoy to Theodore, Mr. Hormuzd Bassam, Assistant Political

Resident at Aden; instructions were at the same time forwarded to that

gentleman to the effect that he should hold himself in readiness to proceed

to Massowah, and, if needful, to Abyssinia, with a view of obtaining the

release of Captain Cameron and other Europeans detained in captivity by

King Theodore. A letter from her Majesty the Queen of England, one from

the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria for the Abouna, and one from the same

to King Theodore, were forwarded to Mr. Rassam, in order to facilitate his

mission. Mr. Rassam was to be conveyed to Massowah in a ship-of-war; he

was at once to inform Theodore of his arrival, bearing a letter to him from

the Queen of England, and also forward, by the same messenger, the letters

from the Patriarch to the Abouna and to the Emperor. He was to await a

reply at Massowah, before deciding whether he should proceed himself, or

forward the Queen's letter to Captain Cameron for delivery. The instructions

added that Mr. Rassam might, however, adopt any other course which might

appear to him more advisable; but he should take special care not to place

himself in a position that might cause further embarrassment to the British

Government.

It so happened that at the time Mr. Rassam received an intimation that he

was selected for the duty of conveying a letter from the Queen to the

Emperor of Abyssinia, I had gone with him on a visit to Lahej, a small Arab

town about twenty-five miles from Aden. We talked a great deal about that

strange land, and on my expressing my desire to accompany Mr. Rassam to

the Abyssinian Court, that gentleman proposed to Colonel Merewether, the

Political Resident at Aden, to allow me to go with him as his companion: a

request that Colonel Merewether immediately granted, and which was

shortly afterwards sanctioned by the Governor of Bombay and the Viceroy

of India.

We had to wait a few days, as the Queen's letter had been detained in Egypt,

in order to have it translated, and it was only on the 20th of July, 1864, that

Mr. Rassam and myself left Aden for Massowah in her Majesty's steamer

Dalhousie .

On the morning of the 23rd, at a distance of about thirty miles from the

shore, we sighted the high land of Abyssinia, formed of several consecutive

ranges, all running from N. to S., the more distant being also the highest;

some of the peaks, such as Taranta, ranging between 12,000 and 13,000

feet.

As the outline of the coast became more distinct, the sight of a small island

covered with white houses surrounded by green groves, reflecting their

welcome shadows in the quiet blue water of the bay, gave us a thrill of

delight; it seemed as if at last we had come to one of those enchanted spots

of the East, so often described, so seldom seen, and to the longing of our

anxious hearts the quick motion of the steamer seemed slow to satisfy our

ardent wishes. But nearer and nearer as we approached the shore, one by

one all our illusions disappeared; the pleasant imagery vanished, and the

stern reality of mangrove swamps, sandy and sunburnt beach, wretched and

squalid huts, stared us in the face. Instead of the semi-Paradise distance had

painted to our imagination, we found (and, alas! remained long enough to

verify the fact) that the land of our temporary residence could be described

in three words—sun, dirt, and desolation.

Massowah, latitude 15.36 N., longitude 39.30 E., is one of the many coral

islands that abound in the Red Sea; it is but a few feet above high-water

mark, about a mile in length, and a quarter in breadth. Towards the north it

is separated from the mainland by a narrow creek about 200 yards in

breadth, and is distant from Arkiko, a small town situated at the western

extremity of the bay, about two miles. Half-a-mile south of Massowah,

another small coral island, almost parallel to the one we describe, covered

with mangroves and other rank vegetation, the proud owner of a sheik's

tomb of great veneration, lies between Massowah and the Gedem peak, the

high mountain forming the southern boundary of the bay.

The western half of the island of Massowah is covered with houses: a few

two stories high, built of coral rock, the remainder small wooden huts with

straw roofs. The first are inhabited by the wealthier merchants and brokers,

the Turkish officials, and the few Banians, European consuls; and

merchants whose unfortunate fate has cast them on this inhospitable shore.

There is not a building worth mentioning: the Pasha's residence is a large,

ungainly mansion, remarkable only for its extreme filthiness. During our

stay the offensive smell from the accumulation of dirt on the yards and

staircases of the palace was quite overwhelming: it is easier to imagine than

to describe the abominable stench that pervaded the whole place. The few

mosques are without importance—miserable whitewashed coral buildings.

One, however, under construction promised to be a shade better than the

others.

[Illustration: Fort, Mission House and Town of Massowah]

The streets—if by this name we may call the narrow and irregular lanes that

run between the houses—are kept pretty clean; whether with or without

municipal intervention I cannot say. Except in front of the Pasha's

residence, there is no open space worthy of the name of square. The houses

are much crowded together, many even being half built over the sea on

piles. Land is of such value on this spot so little known, that reclamation

was at several points going on; though I do not suppose that shares and

dividends were either issued or promised.

The landing-place is near the centre of the island, opposite to the gates of

the town, which are regularly shut at eight P.M.; why, it is difficult to say, as

it is possible to land on any part of the island quite as easily, if not more so,

than on the greasy pier. On the landing-place a few huts have been erected

by the collector of customs and his subordinates; these, surrounded by the

brokers and tallow-scented Bedouins, register the imports, exacting such

duties as they like, before the merchandise is allowed to be purchased by

the Banians or conveyed to the bazaar for sale. This last-named place—the

sine qua non of all Eastern towns—is a wretched affair. Still, the Bedouin

beau, the Bashi-bazouk, the native girls, and the many flaneurs of the place,

must find some attractions in its precincts, for though redolent with effluvia

of the worst description, and swarming with flies, it is, during part of the

day, the rendezvous of a merry and jostling crowd.

The eastern half of the island contains the burial-ground, the water-tanks,

the Roman Catholic mission-house, and a small fort.

The burial-ground begins almost with the last houses, the boundary between

the living and the dead being merely nominal. To improve the closer

relationship between the two, the water-tanks are placed amongst the

graves! but there are but few tanks still in good condition. After heavy

showers, the surface drainage finds its way into the reservoirs, carrying with

it the detritus of all the accumulated filth of the last year or two, and adding

an infusion of human bodies, in all stages of decomposition. Still, the water

is highly prized, and, strange to say, seems to have no noxious effects, on

the drinkers. At the north and south points of this part of the island two

buildings have been erected—the one the emblem of good-will and peace;

the other, of war and strife—the mission-house and the fort. But it is

difficult to decide which of the two means the most mischief; many are

inclined to give the palm to the worthy fathers' abode. The fort appears

formidable, but only at a great distance; on near approach it is found to be

but a relic of former ages, a crumbled-down ruin, too weak to bear any

longer its three old rusty guns now lying on the ground: it is the terror, not

of the neighbourhood, but of the unfortunate gunner, who has already lost

an arm whilst endeavouring to return a salute through their honeycombed

tubes. On the other hand, the mission-house, garbed in immaculate

whiteness, smiles radiantly around, inviting instead of repulsing the invader.

But within, are they always words of love that fill the echoes of the dome?

Is peace the only sound that issues from its walls? Though the past speaks

volumes, and though the history of the Roman Church is written in letters

of blood all over the Abyssinian land, let us hope that the fears of the

people have no foundation, and that the missionaries here, like all Christian

missionaries, only strive to promote one object—the cause of Christ.

Massowah, as well as the immediate surrounding country, is mainly

dependent on Abyssinia for its supplies. Jowaree is the staple food; wheat is

little used; rice is a favourite amongst the better classes. Goats and sheep

are killed daily in the bazaar, cows on rare occasions; but the flesh of the

camel is the most esteemed, though, on account of the expense, rarely

indulged in except on great occasions.

The inhabitants being Mussulmans, water is the ordinary beverage; tej and

araki (made from honey) can, however, be purchased in the bazaar. The

limited supply of water obtained from the few remaining tanks is quite

inadequate to meet the wants of even a small portion of the community;

water is consequently brought in daily from the wells a few miles north of

Massowah, and from Arkiko. The first is brought in leather bags by the

young girls of the village; the latter conveyed in boats across the bay. The

water in both cases is brackish, that from Arkiko highly so. For this reason,

and also on account of the greater facility in the transport, it is cheaper, and

is purchased only by the poorer inhabitants.

To avoid useless repetitions, before speaking of the population, climate,

diseases, &c., a short account of the immediate neighbourhood is necessary.

About four miles north of Massowah is Haitoomloo, a large village of about

a thousand huts, the first place where we meet with sweet water; a mile and

a quarter further inland we came upon Moncullou, a smaller but better built

village. A mile westward of the last place we find the small village of Zaga.

These, with a small hamlet east of Haitoomloo, constitute all the inhabited

portions of this sterile region. The next village, Ailat, about twenty miles

from Massowah, is built on the first terrace of the Abyssinian range, 600

feet above the level of the sea. All these villages are situated in the midst of

a sandy and desolate plain; a few mimosas, aloes, senna plants, and cactuses

struggle for life in the burning sand. The country residences of the English

and French consuls shine like oases in this desert, great pains having been

taken to introduce trees that thrive even in such a locality.

[Illustration: Grove House at Moncullou.]

The wells are the wealth of the villages—their very existence. Most

probably, huts after huts have been erected in their vicinity until the actual

prosperous villages have arisen, surrounded as they are on all sides by a

burnt and desert tract. The wells number about twenty. Many old ones are

closed, but new ones are frequently dug, so as to keep up a constant supply

of water. The reason old wells are abandoned is, that after a while the water

becomes very brackish. In a new well the water is almost sweet. The water

obtained from these wells proceeds from two different sources: First, from

the high mountains in the vicinity. The rain filters and impregnates the soil,

but not being able to soak beyond a certain depth, on account of the

volcanic rocks of the undersoil, forms a small stratum always met with at a

certain depth. Secondly, from the sea by filtration. The wells, though about

four miles from the shore, are only from twenty to twenty-five feet deep,

and consequently on or below the level of the sea.

The proof of an undercurrent of water, due to the presence of the high range

of mountains, becomes more apparent as the traveller advances into the

interior; though the soil is still sandy and barren, and little vegetation can as

yet be seen, trees and shrubs become more plentiful, and of a larger size. A

few miles farther inland, even during the summer months, it is always

possible to obtain water by digging to the depth of a few feet in the dried-up

bed of a water-torrent.

It often struck me that what artesian wells have done for the Sahara they

could equally accomplish for this region. The locality seems even more

favourable, and there is every hope that, like the great African desert, the

now desolate land of Samhar could be transformed into a rich date-bearing

land.